The Bush administration on Friday formally rejected a Democratic request for documents from the years Judge John G. Roberts Jr. served as deputy solicitor general, setting up a potential confrontation over material Democrats say is essential to a thorough examination of Mr. Roberts's Supreme Court nomination.In a letter to Senator Patrick J. Leahy of Vermont, the ranking Democrat on the Judiciary Committee, the Justice Department said it would withhold information sought by Democrats related to the legal advice Mr. Roberts gave under the first President Bush, as he helped develop the government's legal position on a variety of cases from 1989 to 1993. "It is simply contrary to the public interest for these documents to be released," said the letter signed by Rebecca Seidel, a deputy assistant attorney general, on behalf of William E. Moschella, assistant attorney general for legislative affairs.
The Justice Department letter said that such material had been protected in the past under attorney-client privilege and that releasing it would set a dangerous precedent and inhibit the agency's lawyers from frank discussions of pending cases. "The office simply could not function effectively if its lawyers were asked to provide full and candid advice in spite of the expectation that their work product would be fair game in any subsequent Senate confirmation process," the letter said.
As I wrote earlier, this claim of privilege is nonsense and hypocritical.
Moreover, any recognition of the attorney-client privilege by the courts does not bind the Congress. When Clinton invoked attorney client privilege, then-Senator Fred Thompson, the person designated by the White House to shepard the Roberts nomination, stated in unequivocal terms that:
An invocation of attorney-client privilege is not binding on Congress. It is well established that in exercising its Constitutional investigatory powers, congress possesses discretionary control over a witness' claim of privilege. It is also undisputed that Congress can exercise its discretion completely without regard to the approach the courts might take with respect to that same claim.
First, as I stated, I think it is clear that the courts would not uphold a claim of privilege. Second, it is equally clear that even if the courts would uphold such claim, Congress is not bound by such claim. Third, it is clear that Presidents have not asserted such claim with regard to requests from Congress in the past. During the Rehnquist and Bork confirmation hearings, the President turned over just such memos.
The rationale for this approach is patent. A political appointee such as Roberts was as Deputy Attorney General is acting primarily as a policy advisor, not a legal advisor. Roberts was a policy advisor to the Bush 41 Administration, counseling on what policy position to take on legal issues, not one where he was rendering legal advice on what the state of the law is and what actions the President or the government might take. The Solicitor General takes positions arguing for legal policy, in effect, not rendering legal advice.
So let's be clear here. What BushCo is REALLY doing is invoking Executive Privilege, not attorney client privilege. Seen in this manner, we can understand how brazen and audacious this stonewall from BushCo is. What Bush is saying to the Senate is that even though you want these memos in the exercise of your Constitutional duty to advise and consent on the naming of a Supreme Court Justice, we don't care. We don't want you to see these memos, even thought the documents clearly are no longer sensitive or timely, they are at least 12 years old after all.
What this means is Bush is prepared to provoke a Constitutional crisis, this is no hyperbole, a clash between the Executive and Legislative branches, over 12 year old memos that are clearly not relevant or important to any current matter being considered by the Executive branch.
What should the Senate do in the face of this outrageous tactic of White House obstruction and stonewall? I think it is obvious -- not consider the Roberts' nomination until the documents are produced.
For the institution of the Senate, this should be a matter of principle. To allow this outrageous abuse by the White House of the Senate is to allow the Senate to become subordinate to the White House. So much for co-equal branches.
Do I expect the Republicans and their pundit allies to insist on defending the principle of separation of powers, after all their pontificating on this principle over the years? Do pigs fly?
There is no emptier concept than the idea of a principled Republican. That is an extinct species.
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