Today's diary is part II in a series. "Part I", posted the other day, is here:
Bush Dynasty is the Visible Legacy of the "Merchants of Death" of Jupiter Island
The son of Remington Arms principle, Samuel F. Pryor, founder of the colony of elite living on Jupiter Island, Fl, business partner of both Bush grandfathers, founding director of Harriman/Bush's Hamburg-Amerika Shipping Line and of Thyssen's Union Bank (UBC), connected with the Du Pont sponsored fascist coup that Gen. Smedley Butler testified to the Dickstein McCormack committee about in 1934 (Pryor died in 1934), Sam F. Pryor Jr., was the 1940 Wendell Wilkie republican campaign official who facilitated the funding of that campaign by Hermann Goering's American representative, William Rhodes Davis.
One of the google.books links in this post documents British spymaster in America, Stephenson's admission that he "removed" Rhodes Davis, who died suddenly in Mexico in August, 1942.
The most startling things, besides the continuation of Nazi ties of Harriman/Bush/Pryor, to Pryor's son, in 1940, is that Wendell Wilkie apparantly knew that Nazi money was financing his campaign,
and worked to conceal it,
and that assistant Atty. General and early 1940's Nazi prosecutor, O. John Rogge, confirmed that William Rhodes Davis was working through Goering, based on 1946 interviews with Goering, himself, and compiled a report, with testimony from more than 60 witnesses in Germany, of Nazi financing, collaboration with American businessmen, and financing of and interfering with American presidential elections. When Rogge gave speeches in the fall of 1946 about details in his report, Atty. General Tom Clark, father of future Atty, General Ramsey Clark, promptly fired him.
(Note: If you've gotten this far, read the linked google.book pages and remove any doubt about these points you may have initially harbored...)
IMO, the documentation, book references, and news accounts, coupled with the supporting info in my last diary, add up to a scenario too well supported to ignore. The people who later came to live on Samuel Pryor's tiny Jupiter Island, were intimates of OSS and CIA principles, and of the wealthiest people in the U.S., and designed and either led or heavily influenced the military/intelligence apparatus from the late 1930's until this moment.
http://select.nytimes.com/...
ROGGE TIES LEWIS TO NAZIS IN POLITICS; Tells of Talks With Ribbentrop, Goering, Who Sought Defeat of Roosevelt in '36, '40, '44
Special to THE NEW YORK TIMES.
October 23, 1946, Wednesday
Page 8, 568 words
WASHINGTON, Oct. 22--A political science class at Swarthmore College tonight heard from O. John Rogge, special Assistant to the Attorney General, a detailed account of efforts which Hermann Goering, Joachim von Ribbentrop and other high Nazi officials say they made to defeat President Roosevelt for re-election in 1936, 1940 and 1944....
http://news.google.com/...
NAZI SCHEME TO DEFEAT FDR TOLD BY GOERING
Pay-Per-View - Los Angeles Times - ProQuest Archiver - Jul 8, 1946
A Nazi scheme to use a huge fund to try and defeat President Roosevelt in the 1940 election campaign was disclosed today by Asst. Atty. Gen. O. John Rogge.
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http://www.debatecomics.org/...
The Large-scale Money Laundering for the Nazis by President Bush's Grandfather
and Maternal Great-Grandfather
http://spitfirelist.com/...
- Beginning with discussion of the family for which the program is named, the broadcast sets forth the Nye-Vandenberg committee’s investigation of Samuel Pryor (Sr.), the Remington (munitions) firm, and the shipping of Remington arms to right-wing political factions in Germany (including the Nazis). Author Kevin Phillips speculates about the possibility that the Hamburg-Amerika line (in which the Bush family was invested) may have been involved in getting the Remington weapons to Germany. "But Bush [Prescott, Sr.] and Walker did know some of the reviled merchants—the World War I-era munitions makers, ‘armor trust’ members and arms manufacturers being investigated during the early New Deal years. Both men knew Samuel Frazier Pryor, the former president of Remington Arms, whose firm was queried by the Nye committee about the clandestine flow of American-made weaponry to Germany through Holland in the early 1930’s. Walker was not investigated by the committee, but the American Ship and Commerce Corporation’s partial ownership and influence over the German Hamburg-Amerika line may have helped Remington firearms reach right-wing political factions in the early 1930’s. The guns were probably illicitly transferred—without inconvenient police inspection—to German-bound river barges in Holland’s Schelde estuaries. . . ." (American Dynasty: Aristocracy, Fortune, and the Politics of Deceit in the House of Bush; Kevin Phillips; Penguin Group [HC]; Copyright 2004 by Kevin Phillips; ISBN 0-670-03264-6; p. 179.)
- Exploring Samuel Pryor’s business connections, the discussion highlights the fact that he was a key director of two of the Bush family’s Nazi-linked businesses—the Union Banking Corporation and the Hamburg-Amerika line. Again, this connection spurs Kevin Phillips to ruminate about the possibility of the Pryor/Hamburg-Amerika connection underlying the shipment of Remington arms to the German right, including the Nazis. " . . . Remington’s Samuel Pryor was part of this cabal, and took a role in the first big Harriman-Walker international gambit: the arrangement of a major participation in Germany’s once great Hamburg-Amerika steamship line. Harriman and Walker held their Hamburg-Amerika shares through another mutual framework, the American Ship and Commerce Corporation. Pryor was named one of AS & C’s directors." (Ibid.; p. 180.)
- Another of the key figures in this story—Samuel Pryor, Jr.—became a key director of Harriman Securities Corporation, placing him in the same milieu as his father. We will examine Samuel Pryor Jr.’s role in Nazi-linked intrigue directed against the administration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt later in the program. "In 1924, when Harriman and Walker set up the Union Banking Corporation in New York on behalf of the politically active German steel baron Fritz Thyssen, control of UBC was held by a Dutch entity, the Rotterdam-based Bank voor Handel en Scheepvart. This Dutch bank, in turn, was owned by Berlin’s August Thyssen Bank. The Rotterdam bank, it has been proven, handled some of Thyssen’s 1920’s contributions to the fledgling Nazi Party—for some reason, Samuel Pryor of Remington was named an original director of UBC. He seems to have been a tight third side of the Harriman-German triangle. Indeed, after he died in 1934, his son became a director of Harriman Securities Corporation, joining the two Harriman brothers, Averell and Roland. This does make one wonder about Remington-made arms going to Thyssen—or Thyssen’s friends." (Idem.)
- Next, the program reviews information about the 1934 coup attempt in the United States. (For more about this, see RFA#10—available from Spitfire—as well as FTR#448.) The discussion sets forth the role of the Remington firm as the prospective supplier of arms to the coup plotters. Mr. Emory ruminates about the possible role of Pryor [Sr.] in the coup plot. The elder Pryor died in 1934–is it possible that his death had anything to do with the discovery of the coup plot? Note that Remington (and Pryor) had provided arms to right-wing factions in Germany (including the Nazis). That they would undertake something similar in the U.S. should not come as a surprise. (The material in this excerpt is taken from the soft-cover edition of Trading with the Enemy by Charles Higham.)
- Next, the program sets forth another fascist intrigue against FDR—this one involving participation by agents of Nazi Germany. In 1940, agents of the Third Reich channeled millions of dollars to the GOP to help elect Wendell Wilkie and defeat Roosevelt. The principal Nazi agent involved in this plot was a powerful Texas oilman named William Rhodes Davis—who was a registered Abwehr operative. [The Abwehr was German military intelligence in WWII.] In order to defeat FDR, Rhodes, the Nazis and the Republicans undertook to persuade John L. Lewis (a popular labor leader and fierce critic of Roosevelt) to formally endorse Wilkie. This, it was hoped, would persuade labor to vote for Wilkie. The principal GOP committeeman involved with arranging this gambit was Samuel Pryor, Jr.! Correction: Note that Pryor is incorrectly identified as the Chairman of the Republican National Committee. He was not Chairman—he was the pivot man for the RNC in the realization of the Lewis endorsement of Wilkie. "The Germans decided to surreptitiously help Wilkie through secret contributions to the various pro-Wilkie political clubs. To avoid the political ruin of their American friends should the Americans seize the German embassy, Thomsen had all receipts and statements that described who received payments from the Germans destroyed. How much the Germans spent on the 1940 presidential campaign and who received the money will never be known for sure." (Mystery Man: William Rhodes Davis, American Nazi Agent of Influence; Dale Harrington; Brassey’s [SC]; Copyright 1999 Brassey’s; ISBN 1-57488-338-0; p. 150.)
- The sums the Third Reich delivered to the GOP’s 1940 campaign were enormous. "Whether Davis and Hertslet spent all $5 million of their funds on Wilkie’s campaign is unclear. Supposedly, $3 million of the money that Podesta delivered to the Germans was found in the German embassy when the FBI seized it in December 1941. Whether the other $2 million was spent on the Republicans is not known. Some of this money may have been spent on Democratic Party candidates that the Germans favored. The Germans also had other sources of money. Where this other money went and how much there was is also unknown. The entire flow of German money to the presidential election campaigns is murky. What is known is that total Republican presidential expenditures in 1940 were almost $15 million. Regardless of whether the Germans spent only $2 million or the entire $5 million or possibly even more, a large percentage of the Republican Party’s funds in 1940 came from Adolf Hitler. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]" (Ibid.; pp. 150-151.)
- "Not surprisingly, following the Germans’ lead, Davis aided Wilkie’s campaign by contributing large amounts of money. He directly gave at least $48,000. To sidestep the federal limit of $5,000 in campaign donations, Davis used several methods. He gave each of his family members $3,000 or $4,000 to donate to the Wilkie campaign. He made contributions to individual Republican Party state committees. He also persuaded several of his longtime business associates, including Ben Smith, to become financial supporters of Wilkie." (Ibid.; p. 151.)
- "Davis decided that it would be best for Lewis to support the Republican candidate. In return for Lewis’s endorsement, Davis wanted Lewis appointed U.S. labor secretary if Wilkie were elected. In early July, Lewis predicted that Wilkie would defeat Roosevelt in the fall. Despite efforts to reconcile Lewis with the Roosevelt administration, Lewis remained staunchly opposed to the president’s reelection. Knowing of Lewis’s implacable hostility to Roosevelt’s candidacy, Davis opened negotiations with the Wilkie camp." (Idem.)
- "In early September, Davis telephoned Sam Pryor, a Republican national committeeman from Connecticut and an early Wilkie booster. Pryor had been previously introduced to Davis through Arthur Hobson, a Davis and Company employee who knew Pryor from Hobson’s connections with Bank of Boston. Davis asked Pryor to secretly meet with him at Davis’s first wife’s home in Bronxville, New York, to discuss the possibility of a Lewis endorsement of Wilkie. Readily agreeing, Pryor met with Davis a few days later. At this meeting, Davis told Pryor that he was out to defeat Roosevelt and was ready to contribute up to $1 million to that cause. Davis informed Pryor that he would pay for a nationwide radio broadcast in which Lewis would declare for Wilkie. Although no definite assurances had yet come from Lewis, Davis was confident that Lewis would do his bidding. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]" (Idem.)
- "Pryor telephoned Wilkie from Davis’s home and told him of the oilman’s willingness to pay for the Lewis broadcast. Wilkie wanted to immediately meet this mysterious man who would make an offer of such dimensions. Pryor used his private plane to fly Davis to meet with Wilkie, who was then at his home in Rushville, Indiana. After Davis repeated his offer to Wilkie in person, the Republican nominee pointed to the contribution limits of the federal election law and suggested that the money be given to various Wilkie clubs to maintain the legalities. Davis concluded the meeting by reiterating to Wilkie his offer to carry the cost of a nationwide radio speech by his friend John L. Lewis, who would publicly endorse Wilkie. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]" (Ibid.; p. 152.)
- "Wilkie later said that he had never heard of Davis before being informed that Davis would sponsor the Lewis broadcast, and that he would have rejected the offer if he had known who Davis was. Wilkie’s profession of ignorance seems implausible, because by this time Davis’s Nazi connections had been widely publicized in the newspapers. Soon after the Lewis broadcast, Wilkie wrote Davis a letter asking Davis not to publicly endorse him because of the allegations that Davis had German connections." (Idem.)
- "Wilkie’s willingness to take Davis’s money puts a tarnish on Wilkie’s incorruptible image both because of Davis’s known Nazi connections and Wilkie’s early public insistence that the federal campaign finance laws be adhered to in the spirit as well as the letter of the law. When Wilkie was later asked if he was aware of Davis’s contributions to the Republican Party, Wilkie lied and said he never knew about these funds. These questionable actions show that Wilkie, like many politicians, was more interested in winning than in the morality of what he had to do to win." (Idem.)
- "At the conclusion of the Davis-Wilkie meeting, an arrangement was made for Wilkie to meet Lewis in New York on the night of September 28. To prepare for this meeting, Davis and Wehrle met with Pryor and several other Wilkie supporters, including Gene Tunney, the famous boxer, to discuss his support for Wilkie at New York’s Waldorf Astoria Hotel. Pryor wanted assurance that Lewis would endorse Wilkie. Davis said, ‘I’ll call Lewis and I think he is ready to make a pro-Wilkie statement.’ Davis telephoned Lewis and Lewis agreed to endorse Wilkie. Davis returned to the meeting and told Pryor of Lewis’s answer, and the Wilkie supporters left the meeting excited about the boost that Lewis endorsement would give Wilkie’s campaign. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]" (Idem.)
- "Soon after, Lewis called Wilkie from Davis’s home in Scarsdale to confirm their upcoming meeting. Wilkie met with Lewis at the Manhattan apartment of Sam Pryor. Joe Martin, the national chairman of the Republican Party, was also present. Late into the night, Lewis and Wilkie engaged in a brisk conversation about their politics. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]" (Ibid.; pp. 152-153.)
http://books.google.com/...
The visible evidence is the slim differences between the two presidential candidates in 2004, both from a secret club that "taps' just 15 Yale junior classmen per year, and the fact that in the last 28 years, a Bush father or son has been elected either president or VP 5 times in 7 elections, not to mention that Bush Sr. was DCI in the 70's....too tiny of a group, and too questionable in reputation to be dominating the political and policy scene, so completely, and for sooooo long !