When Can We Expect Health Care Reform (Whoever Wins)?
by DemFromCT
Sun Mar 02, 2008 at 05:32:49 AM PDT
American health care reform has been historically difficult to achieve, both for structural and political reasons. Many of you have heard of, or are advocates of, HR 676, the The United States National Health Insurance Act, a single-payer national health program. Maybe you heard about a Senate universal health care proposal, The Healthy Americans Act, cosponsored by 12 Senators. Perhaps you've been wondering what its chances are for passage. Perhaps you've been mulling over the health plans from Clinton, McCain and Obama (and Edwards), trying to do some comparison shopping. Or, perhaps you just want to know what to expect with a new President in the White House. This review of health reform data will hopefully help put the difficulties of enacting reform in perspective.
For starters, let's look at the political side via this tutorial from Kaiseredu.org. It's important to note that while health care remains an important issue that matters in the upcoming election (along with Iraq and the economy), Republicans, Independents and Democrats do not agree on the issues or the relative importance of health care as an election issue. Those with insurance are satisfied with their own health care coverage (83% to 93% depending on the question), but fear paying more for care (41%) or losing coverage altogether (29%). That >80% satisfaction is a key finding, because people satisfied with what they have a) don't want to give it up and b) are less likely to push for change. And when asked to rank health care along with other important issues facing Americans, Democrats tend to rate health care as more important than either independents or Republicans, so the push for health reform is not unanimous by any means.
Another important difference is that Republicans are more worried about cost-containment and Democrats more interested
in expanding coverage. This leads to the following caveat; while much of the public agrees with the goal of increased coverage, there is no agreement about the best solution to get there. In fact, when all solutions are considered, single payer is way down on the list of "best solution", coming in at an anemic 37% (see slide). Needless to say, that doesn't make bills like HR 676 any easier to pass. By the way, the uninsured are substantially less likely to vote (in 2002, 30% of the uninsured under 65 voted compared to 49% of the insured under 65).
See also the ambivalence about government vs private insurance in providing medical coverage (government better - 21, private better - 60 if you are a Republican, government better than private 41 to 36 for Democrats. A fifth of the country thinks they are the same or does not know).
By the way, another reason to suggest a lack of political pressure is to look at the habits of voters. As seen in the slide, half the voters vote on issues, the other half vote on character, values, experience, leadership etc. Given that split, it's tough to make a case that the public is driving change, or that 2008 will be the year health care reform is going to decide the election all by itself.
Well, that's public opinion and public opinion can change. So what do the academics say about the likelihood of health reform and changes in health care financing (i.e. the structural side)? Eh, maybe chances are not so high, at least right away. Echoing the theme of non-agreement of what to do, an article in Health Affairs by Victor Fuchs (the Henry J.Kaiser Jr. Professor Emeritus at Stanford University and a research associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research) writes
Enduring reform must cover the uninsured, reduce inefficiency in funding and delivery of care, improve quality, and tame but not destroy the development of new medical technologies. Obstacles to reform include "special interests," especially as they exploit the U.S. political system; Machiavelli’s Law of Reform, which favors the status quo; and the inability of reformers to agree on a common approach. Short-term prospects for enduring comprehensive reform are virtually nil. Over five to ten years, prospects are fifty-fifty unless there were a major economic, political, social, or public health crisis. In the long run, major reform is inevitable.
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