Daily Kos

"60 Minutes" and the Myth of Scalia

Mon Apr 28, 2008 at 12:30:07 PM PDT

I chatted with Justice Scalia about ten years ago after a speech he made at the Jewish Theological Seminary in NYC.  In spite of the vast majority of Liberals in the audience, his charm, his spontaneity, won them (and me) over.

I had been impressed by his deciding vote affirming that the First Amendment prohibits any law against free political speech, even when it takes the form of burning the American Flag.  I value living in a society where the passions of the people are moderated by rules of this enduring charter that are difficult to overturn.

But then there was this opinion that showed that he was not whom he claimed to be:

The formal title is GONZALES, ATTORNEY GENERAL, ET AL. v. OREGON ET AL., a challenge by the Bush Administration to Oregon's Death with Dignity law.  

In yesterday's interview, as in the one I attended a decade ago, Scalia reiterated the bedrock principles that he follows as a Justice and affirms are the correct ones.

The Constitution is not "living," it is an enduring document that allocates the scope of power within the three branches of the Federal Government, and between the national government and the states. He then, rightly in my opinion, points out that if legislatures, representing the changing values of society, choose to allow same sex marriage, abortion or the death penalty, it is their decisions to make, not the court's.

He also makes the claim that although he is a devout Catholic, he is able to separate the edicts of his religion with those of the Constitution.  And when in conflict, he will invariably choose to follow the United States Constitution.

If he actually followed these tennets he would have my admiration.  

But in this one case I have studied in detail it is flagrantly false.  Here's the essayI wrote on the decision on the the "Oregon Death with Dignity web site"  It was a futile plea not to confirm Alito, who would make Scalia's position close to the majority.

Some of the principles Scalia claims to hold inviolate are, State's Rights, Judicial restraint, Original intent, and the primacy of the secular Constitution over his own, or anyone's religious tenets.

In his dissent in this case he managed to trash every one of these.  And he did it with his characteristic brio, wit and apparent erudition that left the pundocracy stunned and silent.

He voted to overrule this law based on the triviality of the federal regulation on the drugs used to end the suffering individual's life.  While the decision confirming the validity of the law was thirteen pages, His dissent, which was joined by Thomas and Roberts is 25 pages of unreadable casuistry (pp 34-64 of pdf link above) that boils down to this:

"[T]he overwhelming weight of authority in judicial decisions, the past and present policies of nearly all of the States and of the Federal
Government, and the clear, firm and unequivocalviews of the leading associations within the American medical and nursing professions, establish that assisting in suicide . . . is not a legitimate medical purpose."

He would be correct if a single doctor, or even a hospital had implemented this policy, it would have been illegal.  But, as the majority of the court affirmed, this law was decided by a sovereign state of the union, by not one, but two referendums; and by this process, exactly what he says is the appropriate way to reflect the changing values of a society, the "weight of authority" he cited was negated.

And with the very argument that he makes that use of life ending drugs is not a legitimate medical use, he would, of course, be logically compelled to end lethal injections as a capital punishment.  But, I'm sure another 35 pages of unreadable argumentation would get around that little inconsistency.  

So, there is every reason to believe that Antonin Scalia, who wields his erudition as a rapier to advance his political, and religious values, is not the delightful impish persona he presents to the world.  

And with confirmation of a single new Republican Justice, this man whose bizarre dissents had been a source of amusement, will become the leader of a majority to transform the face of American Jurisprudence.

Tags: Antonin Scalia, Oregon's death with dignity law (all tags) :: Previous Tag Versions

Permalink | 43 comments

  •  VOTE DEMOCRATIC! (6+ / 0-)

    And Kossacks, you fuckers!, quite bashing Hillary. We may have to live with her. Get over it and make the best of both good candidates. I am really losing my patience with Kossacks - is there such a thing as reactionary radical left? That's how I am currently impressed by most of Kos. Don't you see the harm you are doing?
     Meanwhile, Arodb, a fine posting on Scalia, thank you. I saw that interview; I was haunted by a feeling that he is just as false a thinker as are the Jesuits to trained him. Tortured logic.
    JIM
    sfe

  •  Did Someone Mention Scalia? (5+ / 0-)

    Pluto now orbits Overnight News Digest ʍou sʇıqɹo oʇnld

    by Pluto on Mon Apr 28, 2008 at 12:35:44 PM PDT

  •  Scalia's charm and spontaneity on display (4+ / 0-)

    Recommended by:
    jimreyn, Pluto, pgm 01, arodb

     title=

    "Some of you may decide that my FISA position is a deal breaker. That's ok." - Barack Obama

    by Joe Beese on Mon Apr 28, 2008 at 12:36:59 PM PDT

  •  Scalia is merely an opportunist. (4+ / 0-)

    Recommended by:
    Naniboujou, istari5th, pgm 01, arodb

    He'll cite boilerplate about separation of powers and the right of states to define marriage, electoral processes et al, but when push comes to shove he'll say and write anything to achieve the ideological outcome to which he's already predisposed.

    Then giggle at his own cleverness.  He hasn't won me over, and he never will.

    "You can't negotiate with reality" - James Kunstler

    by Bob Love on Mon Apr 28, 2008 at 12:37:45 PM PDT

  •  'Movement conservatives' such as Scalia, (11+ / 0-)

    Thomas, Roberts and Alito are very results-oriented, and will go to vast lengths of hypocrisy to get to the decision they want.  Rest assured that if Bush was a few votes short of Gore in 2000 he would have gotten the recount he needed.

    You can lead a Republican to the facts, but you can't make him think.

    by Greasy Grant on Mon Apr 28, 2008 at 12:38:52 PM PDT

  •  I found out he was an only child (1+ / 0-)

    Recommended by:
    arodb

    with no first cousins....

    not surprising in the slightest.

    John McCain '08: Putting the "ass" in "assisted living"!

    by foxsucks81 on Mon Apr 28, 2008 at 12:43:46 PM PDT

    •  But his children are going to have.... (2+ / 0-)

      Recommended by:
      Rasputin, KenBee

      plenty of cousins.

      Actually the interview left out that not only was he 1st in his Harvard Law Class, but no one else was even close.

      He had the ability to intellectually intimidate others, who are just run of the mill Harvard and Yale law school grads.

      And once he has a majority, watch out.

      Now what was that about voting against Hillary if she should grab the nomination?

  •  Originalism is the Ouija Board of jurisprudence (0+ / 0-)

    Basing rulings on what you thought people were thinking over 220 years ago is absurd if not downright insane. It's amazing to me this doctrine has come to be so accepted.

    •  He is not so far wrong... (0+ / 0-)

      as it appears.  If he actually respected the decisions such as the one I discuss.

      Abortion was being approved in many states before Roe v. Wade.  The effect of the law has all but been negated in many states, where through excess regs, abortions while legal are not available.

      What if the court had not acted.  This would have avoided one of the main "values" issues of the right, and we could have had decades with a more liberal America.

      Something to think about, at least.

  •  Last night was one of the few times (4+ / 0-)

    Recommended by:
    bleeding blue, Naniboujou, pgm 01, arodb

    I could not watch "60 Minutes."  I just couldn't bear to listen to Scalia defend the "logic" behind some of his positions.

    My Karma just ran over your Dogma

    by FoundingFatherDAR on Mon Apr 28, 2008 at 12:49:59 PM PDT

  •  Well They've Got a Majority for a Quarter Century (0+ / 0-)

    to come, as it is.

    I may be wrong but I think he also reads the 9th as meaning its exact opposite, that zero rights exist among the people unless enumerated in the Constitution. That would explain abortion and same sex marriage being both completely absent from the Constitution and yet beyond the reach of judges ever to find as rights, wouldn't it?

    We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for victims of our nation and for those it calls enemy.... --ML King "Beyond Vietnam"

    by Gooserock on Mon Apr 28, 2008 at 12:54:25 PM PDT

    •  The principle of the US. (0+ / 0-)

      There are counties with this:

      That which is not specifically allowed is illegal

      The US is based on this:

      That which is not specifically illegal is allowed.

      So, non mention in the Constitution means anything, polygamy, usury, child labor is legal by default.  The states have the broadest mandate to make laws prohibiting anything, while the constitution is based on delegated authority, from the states and the people.

      I happen to largely agree with Scalias articulated principles.  As shown here, his actual practice is a different story.

      •  So, presumably, (0+ / 0-)

        you're OK with his assertion that torture is not unconstitutional? And, presumably, with Gonzales's contention that habeas corpus is not guaranteed by the Constitution?

        As nightfall does not come all at once, neither does oppression. - Justice William O. Douglas

        by occams hatchet on Mon Apr 28, 2008 at 01:08:56 PM PDT

        [ Parent ]

        •  I'll take the new AGs position... (1+ / 0-)

          Recommended by:
          dconrad

          I have not studied it.  There are many things that are wrong and should not be done, but the constitution is not the vehicle for preventing it.

          These could be in that category.

          But one thing the constitution does do, quite clearly and unequivocally, is define the procedure for impeachment of those who debase even the SPIRIT of the constitution.

        •  His position on torture (1+ / 0-)

          Recommended by:
          arodb

          Is not completely without support.  Whether you agree with him or not, you should at least understand his position so as to refute it properly.  His position is that just because something is horrendous does not mean that it is banned by the constitution.  In his view, the people have to vote to put a ban in the constitution in order for the constitution to ban something.  He is not going to find that the constitution prohibits something unless he can concluded that the framers, or the people (through amendment) intended to put that ban in there.  

          With respect to torture, most people rely on the 8th Amendment ban on "cruel and unusual punishment."  There is a Supreme Court case -- Johnson v. Glick, I think? -- that says the use of the word "punishment" by those who wrote the 8th Amendment was intended to apply to actions that were penal in nature -- as in punishment when you were adjudicated guilty for a crime.  Under that case (which was decided long before Scalia came to the Court), says Scalia, torture is not "punishment," because there is no adjudication of a crime and the torture is not inflicted to punish you for something, but to gain information. (You may agree or disagree with that case, but the precedent is there.)  Scalia thinks the case was right, because he thinks the word "punishment" means that society has sentenced you for a crime.  So, Scalia says, the 8th Amendment doesn't apply.  (By the way, under that view, if the 8th Amendment said that cruel and unusual "treament of people" was prohibited, the 8th Amendment would ban torture.)  Scalia would tell you that he thinks torture is a very bad thing (maybe he thinks it should never be done) but it is not his job to decide whether it is a bad thing or whether it should be done.  It is his job to decide whether those who wrote the 8th Amendment intended to ban it.  If you want to ban torture, he would say, you can do that -- you should pass a law or even a constitutional amendment banning torture.  

          •  Good analysis.. (0+ / 0-)

            And this is why I found the case I wrote about so striking.

            While he did have a weak procedural leg for his dissent, he ignored the more important issues of a legislature being about to reflect changing values.

            To me this was an acid test.  And he failed.

          •  Unless I am greatly mistaken, (3+ / 0-)

            Recommended by:
            jimreyn, arodb, dconrad

            the Constitution states, clearly and unequivocally, that

            This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land;

            And - unless I am greatly mistaken - the Geneva Conventions are treaties to which the United States is a signatory. And - again, unless I am greatly mistaken - the Geneva Conventions prohibit torture.

            FWIW, nowhere in the Constitution does it state that a person is innocent until proven guilty. Among a host of other things.

            Scalia's supposed scorn of stare decisis and his ostensible strict constructionism are a joke.

            "Strict constructionalists" are just hypocrites who want the Constitution to reflect their own views, whatever those happen to be.

            In that vein:

            He is not going to find that the Constitution prohibits something unless he can conclude that the framers, or the people (through amendment) intended to put that ban in there.

            His powers of inference boggle: I had no idea the Framers intended to give Florida to Bush.

            As nightfall does not come all at once, neither does oppression. - Justice William O. Douglas

            by occams hatchet on Mon Apr 28, 2008 at 01:56:10 PM PDT

            [ Parent ]

            •  Again, in the interest of being accurate (0+ / 0-)

              And - unless I am greatly mistaken - the Geneva Conventions are treaties to which the United States is a signatory. And - again, unless I am greatly mistaken - the Geneva Conventions prohibit torture

              .

              No one -- including Scalia -- has ever said that this is not true.  As far as I know, the Court has never been faced with the question of whether the Geneva Conventions prohibit torture.  Courts only address questions specifically raised before them.  Scalia has opined on whether the the 8th Amendment prohibits torture, and I just explained his position that it does not.  

              The Geneva Conventions may well prohibit torture, but whether the Geneva Conventions give a foreign prisoner of war, for example, and enforceable right in federal court is a question I don't know the answer to.  

              FWIW, nowhere in the Constitution does it state that a person is innocent until proven guilty. Among a host of other things.

              That's absolutely true.  There is no reference in the Constitution to a Miranda warning ("you have the  right to remain silent . . .") or to "the separation of church and state" (that comes from a phrase Jefferson used in some other context.  These are doctrines that the Court created in interpretation of Constitutional provisions.  Two points.  First, is is a matter of degree -- a strict constructionalist would give much less leeway to the Court in creating these kinds of principles, limiting them to situations where they are necessary to effect the clear meaning of the text of the Constitution itself.  Where you draw that line is a matter of endless debate.  Second, many of these principles are long standing and often upheld, and then you are dealing with the principle of stare decisis, where you might continue to uphold a principle that you would disagree with if you were starting from scratch, but that is so imbedded in our society that to reverse it would cause upheaval.  The fact that a strict constructionalist upholds these kinds of principles is usually based on one of these to tenets.  It does not always make his position inconsistent.

              Are you familiar with the legal basis for the arguments on both sides of Bush v. Gore?  To my mind, it was an issue that was simply never contemplated by the framers of the Constitution and where there was no "right answer."  Both sides had arguments, neither side had a slam dunk.  Just by way of example, like you said, the Dems argued that the Florida Supreme Court could interpret the law and therefore adjust deadlines and procedures to accommodate the will of the people. Good argument.  The Repubs argued that the federal constitution gave the sole authority for appointing electors to the state legislature (that is true, by the way -- your state legislature could, if it wanted, decide who your electors will go to without an election on election day) and that the Florida Supreme Court could not alter the procedures and deadlines set out by the legislature without running afoul of the federal constitution.  That argument had a basis in the constitution.  Equal Protection was almost a throw-away argument.  Pick which argument you like -- Dem or Repub -- there was a way to support each one.  If the situations of the candidates had been reversed, Gore would have argued for the primacy of the federal constitution and Bush would have argued for the power of the Florida Supreme Court.  

              It really was a problem without a solution.  I don't see a way the Court could have decided it without half the country being really upset.  And, if they had let the recount go on, I'm not sure that would have resulted in a good resolution, either.  If the recount went on, then the Florida legislature (Repub) already moving to step in and appoint their own electors, and the dispute between two sets of electors (one approved by the Florida Supreme Court after a recount, one approved by the Florida Legislature) would have gone to the House of Representatives for resolution.  That ending to the election would have been just as unsatisfactory as the Court decision.  

              Like I said, Bush v. Gore was a question without a good answer.  I agree that it was probably a political decision, but I don't see how the Court's decision could have been interpreted any other way no matter what the decision was.  If the Court was 5-4 Dem, I suspect there would have been a political decision for Gore as well.

              •  Hmm. (0+ / 0-)

                Courts only address questions specifically raised before them.  Scalia has opined on whether the the 8th Amendment prohibits torture, and I just explained his position that it does not

                 

                Has the Court ever been asked - specifically - whether the 8th Amendment prohibits torture? I think not. Yet in spite of that, Don Scalia has graced us with his opinion. And actually, he did not say simply that torture would not violate the 8th Amendment; he more broadly said that torture was not per se unconstitutional. Unless I am greatly mistaken, the Geneva Conventions - according to Article VI of the Constitution - is the supreme law of the land. And it is just as well that

                the Court has never been faced with the question of whether the Geneva Conventions prohibit torture

                because that is a settled question, prima facie: the Geneva Conventions very specifically prohibit torture; there is no question of "whether":

                To this end the following acts are and shall remain prohibited at any time and in any place whatsoever with respect to the above-mentioned persons:

                (a) Violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture;



                As for:

                Are you familiar with the legal basis for the arguments on both sides of Bush v. Gore?

                I am familiar with this:

                Our consideration is limited to the present circumstances

                Stare decisis? Good luck with that.

                As nightfall does not come all at once, neither does oppression. - Justice William O. Douglas

                by occams hatchet on Mon Apr 28, 2008 at 11:07:32 PM PDT

                [ Parent ]

                •  We are in complete agreement (1+ / 0-)

                  Recommended by:
                  occams hatchet

                  with respect to what the Geneva Conventions say.  Torture is vile, horrendous, all those terrible things.  I am simply stating for you the Scalia position -- not that I agree with it.  The Scalia position is based on a reading of the 8th Amendment, that "punishment" means actions taken after someone is determined to be guilty of a crime.  There is a precedent for that -- the case I cited to you -- although the question is far from settled in the Supreme Court jurisprudence.  That is not to say that Scalia's argument is right.  It is a perfectly legitimate argument to say that the 8th Amendment proscribes "cruel and unusual" treatment by the government while one is in custody for whatever reason.  THAT is the basis for the views opposing Scalia.  THAT is where the disagreement is between Scalia and Ginsburg, for example -- over the meaning and extent of the 8th Amendment.  The question of whose interpretation is "right" is not "answered" until five members of the Supreme Court agree on whose interpretation is "right."

                  This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land;

                  As for whether the Geneva conventions confer "constitutional" rights, nobody -- not even any of the liberals on the Court -- believes that provisions of the Geneva conventions rise to the level of constituional rights. (Are you a lawyer?  If you are, I apologize for the following, which is kind of a summary of basic constitutional law.)  The provision you quoted does not make the "laws of the United States" or the Treaties part of the Constitution.   That is because Treaties -- like law -- can be changed, repealed, or repudiated by the Congress without going through the Constitutional amendment process.  Just by way of example, suppose Congress passed a law setting interstate highway speeds to be 55 mph.  That is "the Supreme Law of the land," under that article you quoted.  But it is still a law, not a constitutional provision.  It was not unconstitutional to go 70 mph, just against the law.  Congress was free to change that law without going through the amendment process.  Similarly, even under the strict constructionalist view, Congress is constitutionally free to pass a law, or enter a treaty, prohibiting torture, just like Congress is free to pass a law, or enter a treaty, on many other subjects.  Congress can also, if it chooses, repudiate the Geneva Conventions without amending the Constitution.  The fact that Congress has passed a law, or entered a treaty, outlawing torture does not make it unconstitutional -- just against the law.  Congress can change that law.  If it were unconstitutional, Congress could not change that law without amending the Constitution.

                  Unconstitutional is a completely different thing from against the law or against a treaty.  Unconstitutional means that Congress can't pass a law or enter a treaty allowing it; against the law means it is up to Congress can decide whether or not to allow it in a law or treaty, and Congress can decide to reverse that law or treaty -- it's up to Congress.   Scalia was asked if it is unconstitutional, not whether it was against a law or treaty.  It is not the same thing at all.  

                  •  Understood, coffeetalk. IANAL, but (1+ / 0-)

                    Recommended by:
                    coffeetalk

                    I understand the difference. It's the same distinction that allows a president to ignore or violate duly enacted laws - because he believes they are in violation of the Constitution. I was sloppy in my presentation. Thank you for pointing that out.

                    And, BTW, Scalia is right - he said so, quite emphatically, in the interview. No need to wait for four more justices to weigh in.  ;-)

                    As nightfall does not come all at once, neither does oppression. - Justice William O. Douglas

                    by occams hatchet on Tue Apr 29, 2008 at 06:29:09 AM PDT

                    [ Parent ]

                    •  I did not expect Scalia to say anything else (0+ / 0-)

                      And, BTW, Scalia is right - he said so, quite emphatically, in the interview. No need to wait for four more justices to weigh in.  ;-)

                      Often, large intellects like Scalia's come with equally large egos, although friends of mine who know him say that, just as Lesley Stahl mentioned, he is personally a very charming and very endearing guy.  (Scalia is clearly a large intellect -- you have to be pretty smart to graduate magna cum laude from Harvard Law.)  From what I've read, William Douglas, one of the foremost liberal thinkers on the modern court, was always equally convinced that he -- and only he -- had the "right" answer.  

  •  This is a misrepresentation of Gonzalez v. Oregon (1+ / 0-)

    Recommended by:
    coffeetalk

    Scalia wasn't deciding if suicide was a legit medical purpose in a vacuum - the decision was an administrative scope case, trying to figure out if they should defer to the Justice Department or not. The Justice Department interpreted a statute (one I can't remember now) to ban assisted suicide. The majority found that they didn't have the proper statutory power to get deference, and the minority disagreed.

    •  Also (0+ / 0-)

      Forgot to put in that first post that Gonzalez was actually very much consistent for Scalia, who is extremely deferential under Chevron, much tot he horror of Stevens, he dude who came up with the idea of Chevron deference in 1984.

      This is more complicated than a simple "do you like suicide" argument.

      •  This is not the place to debate the merits... (0+ / 0-)

        The majority saw this as a states rights issue that transcended the Justice Department's province.  

        The gravamen of Scalia's argument was not procedural, but substantive:

        assisting in suicide . . . is not a legitimate medical purpose."

        •  Yes, so? (0+ / 0-)

          He had to make a call. If he thought it was a legit medical purpose, he would have sided against the DA on deference grounds. He had to choose one or the other. I don't see how this decision shows any inconsistency, or frankly what's wrong with it. I disagree with him, but its hardly a stupid opinion.

  •  I'm not sure that I see the issue quite the way (1+ / 0-)

    Recommended by:
    arodb

    you do.  The issue was not what the term "legitimate medical purpose" means to you, or to me, or to society in general.  The issue was what it meant as it was used in the Controlled Substances Act.  The majority found that the phrase as used in that Act was "ambiguous" -- meaning, there was more than one reasonable interpretation.  The case was not about whether the Court thought that the Oregon Assisted Suicide act was a good thing.  The case was not about whether the Court thought that assisting suicide was a legitimate medical purposes.  Instead, it was about how much deference must be given to an Attorney General's interpretation of that phrase in the CSA, as expressed through the administrative rulemaking process.  While there is a doctrine referred to as "Chevron deference" that talks about great deference given to the administrative agency's interpretation as expressed through the rulemaking process, the majority declined to give this rule "Chevron deference" based on other principles about how much the federal government could regulate medical practices.  Had the Court decided that "Chevron deference" was appropriate, the decision would have gone the other way.  This was a clash between deference given to a state legislature and deference given to a federal administrative agency charged with interpreting and applying federal law.  Both principles have solid support in the law; here, it was a balancing to see which "deference" came out on top.  For the record, Scalia has always been a great supporter of Chevron deference, so the decision was consistent for him.

    I am sure that you did not mean to do so, but I fear that your interpretation of this case simplifies it too much to a determination by the Court of whether it is legitimate for a medical professional to assist in suicide, and that was not really the issue in the case.

    •  Well saidf (1+ / 0-)

      Recommended by:
      arodb

      This is what I tried to say, in less words and less successfully, above.

      •  This case could represent several weeks... (0+ / 0-)

        of a constitutional law course, and I tried to distill it into a principle.

        If it were purely a procedural issue why would Scalia have mentioned the Illegitimacy of suicide as a medical purpose several times. The AGs determination would stand simply because he made it, not on the validity of his reasoning.

        Scalia made suicide the issue.  This was not something I assumed was his motivation, it is in the text.

        I appreciate your contribution, both of you, to this discussion, but I'm not convinced this was other than how I perceive it.

        And with all due respect, we could have said that Dred Scott was not about slavery, but rather Property rights.  

        •  You have oversimplified the reasoning (1+ / 0-)

          Recommended by:
          arodb

          The majority did discuss the AG's reasoning in the interpretation of an "ambigious" phrase.  The case was ultimately decided on the basis of (1) the majority's understanding of what the AG did in the rule and his reasoning behind it; (2) the majority's understanding of the limitations placed on a federal official in issuing agency rules; and (3) the majority's interpretation of the CSA (a federal law) and the conclusion that Congress did not intend the CSA to extend as far as to ban assisted suicide.  This was not a "state's rights" issue.  The Court did not say that Congress could not ban the States from allowing assisted suicide if Congress wanted to do that -- that would have been a states' rights type decision.  Instead, the Court just said that, with this law -- the Controlled Substances Act -- Congress did not intend to ban assisted suicide.

  •  Far more obvious is Bush v. Gore (1+ / 0-)

    Recommended by:
    arodb

    It's disgusting the way he continually falls back on 7 justices agreeing that the recount wasn't sufficiently equitable under the equal protection clause. This ignores that the remedy imposed by the 5 justice majority was even less equitable. And that the same 5 justices had already insured that the recount couldn't be completed on time by signing an injunction to stop it before even hearing the case.

    So
    1> they insured, by an unnecessary injunction,  that Florida couldn't meet a fairly minor deadline
    2> subsequently ruled that this deadline must be met under Florida law (isn't it the Florida Supreme Court's job to interpret Florida statute?), even though the consequences of not meeting it were minor.
    3> ruled that the recount was flawed under the equal protection clause
    4> therefore required a result that was clearly an even graver violation of the equal protection clause.

    There is no logic or reason to this at all. It stomps all over state's rights. It stomps all over original intent, both of the equal protection clause, and of the Florida legislature. It was clearly established Florida law, for example, that "intent of the voter" is determinative in counting ballots. This was completely ignored. Also ignored were any rights of Al Gore to due process and equal protection.

     

    •  Yes, this one is more arcane... (0+ / 0-)

      and it wasn't even the decision of the court, but simply a two person dissent.  But it illustrated the hypocrisy of the man in a way that Bush v. Gore did not.

      And there was still some hope of not confirming Alito when the decision came down.

      I agree fully in your analysis of Bush v. Gore.

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