I certainly didn't want to post this again, given that I strongly dislike the Likud, but it has unfortunately become necessary given the negligence of the Israeli government to take down election web pages from 1999, causing confusion among several Kossacks. It'll be much easier to explain via a diary, and so that's what I'm doing.
Below, an explanation with the use of screen captures as to why the platform being cited is in fact from 1999 and not current, along with a reposting of the Likud Party Platform.
Or rather, all any American would really care about (that is to say, their foreign policy platform), apart from perhaps their statement that "We will strive to prevent the construction of another coal based power plant and reduce the emission of greenhouse gases, as well as search for green alternatives to produce electricity to close the electricity production deficit" (after all, global warming is a global issue ...)
Several people have been claiming that this is the current platform of the Likud, because "it's on the Knesset website"
It is indeed, on the Knesset website. However, a look at the URL for this webpage
Let me bold the relevant part this time.
More importantly, take a look at this, from the bottom of the same referenced page
Copyright 1999.
No, no it isn't.
The Likud Party Constitution
Official Version as of 1Heshvan 5767 - October 22, 2006
This is a highly abridged excerpt of the constitution for informational purposes only.
To read the official Likud constitution in its entirety (in Hebrew), click here.
Article 1: Name of the Party
The name of the party : The Likud, a National-Liberal Party
Article 2: General purposes
1. The Likud is a national-liberal party which advocates the ingathering of the exiles, the integrity of the Jewish homeland, human freedom and social justice, and it strives to achieve these goals:
a. Bringing together the Jewish people in the Land of Israel, ingathering its dispersed people, cultivating love of the country in the hearts of the people, and recognizing the shared destiny of all of the Jewish people.
b. Safeguarding the right of the Jewish people to the Land of Israel as an eternal, inalienable right, working diligently to settle and develop all parts of the land of Israel, and extending national sovereignty to them.
c. Exercising state sovereignty and maintaining security and true peace with our neighbors.
d. Instilling the eternal values of the Jewish heritage in education and in national life, safeguarding moral values and ethical principles and establishing a moral society in the Land of Israel.
e. Maintaining a democratic form of government: guaranteeing the supremacy of law, human and civil rights, freedom of conscience, individual freedoms, equal rights and opportunities of all citizens of the state and preventing discrimination on the grounds of gender, race, ethnic origin, religion, status, or viewpoint.
f. Integrating minority populations into the national and party organizations.
g. Strengthening the state economy and creating the proper conditions for economic growth and the establishment of a self-sustaining free economy based on competition and free enterprise, and reducing insofar as possible government intervention in the economy.
h. Developing and promoting the development towns and distressed neighborhoods.
1. Demanding government responsibility for a satisfactory level of personal security, education health, employment, and quality of the environment.
Article 3: Membership
Membership in the party
1. A citizen of Israel, resident in the country, who identifies with the goals and the party and is not a member of another political party is eligible for membership in the party.
2. A person will not be accepted for membership if he has been convicted by a competent court of law in a peremptory ruling of an offense involving moral turpitude, from one year after the verdict or from the last day of serving the sentence, whichever is later.
3. A party member will uphold the bylaws of the constitution, heed the decisions of the party's institutions and authorities, and help realize the party's goals.
Application to join the party
5. A request to join the party will be signed by the applicant for membership on an application form ‘Membership application' and will include the following:
1. The applicant's declaration that he identifies with the party's goals.
2. A declaration that the applicant is not a member of another political party.
3. Authorization to bill the applicant ‘s bank account for membership fees .
Membership fees
10. The member will pay annual membership fees to the party
11. Membership fees will be paid by a bank transfer crediting the bank account of the party.
Membership in a local branch of the party
15. Members will be registered in the local branch of the party only. A member who is attending an educational institution may be registered at the branch where the educational institution is located.
For this purpose, his place of residence shall be the place where he is registered in the population registry.
A member may belong to only one branch.
The right to vote and be elected
18. A member is eligible to vote for the party's institutions and those of the branch where he is a member on condition that he has been a member of the party for a minimum of 16 months preceding the date of elections and that he has regularly paid annual membership fees.
A member is eligible to be elected to such institutions on condition that he has been a member of the party at least two years before the relevant date and has paid annual membership fees.
A member is eligible to be elected on the party's list to the Knesset, the World Zionist Organization, to the head of local government or regional councils, or the Histadrute of Workers or any other institution which does not belong to the party on condition that he has been a member of the party for a minimum of three years before presenting his candidacy and has paid annual membership fees.
Central party institutions
Article 5: The Convention
The supreme institution
50. The Convention , and between sessions of the Convention, the Central Committee are the supreme institutions of the party and they are authorized to make decisions relating to all the affairs of the party.
51. The delegates to the party convention will become members of the Central Committee between conventions.
The elected convention opening with its first session will convene within 90 days of the publication of the results of the elections for this institution. It will be adjourned within 90 days and not less than 30 days after its opening, after electing the chairman of the Central Committee, the chairman of the secretariat, and the chairman of the party office.
The first session of the Central Committee will convene within 30 days of the adjournment of the Convention .
53. Elections for the Convention will take place every four years from the date of its adjournment. Elections will not be held for the Convention within the period of one year before elections for the Knesset or local government unless the Central Committee has decided otherwise.
The authorities of the Convention and the Central Committee
55. The Convention is authorized to make decisions relating to the party constitution and to amend it periodically by a majority vote of those participating in the vote.
(b) The Convention shall elect the court of the Likud Party and the control committee.
(c)The Convention shall elect its chairman, presidency and committees, and is authorized to decide on its working procedures.
(d) The Convention and the Central Committee are authorized to pass resolutions and to amend them.
(E) (1)The Central Committee is authorized to amend the constitution, except for clause 80, by a two-thirds majority of those taking part in the vote; in the case of a proposal sent to it by the Convention on condition that it is less than 18 months since the adjournment of the Convention - by a majority of the participants in the vote.
(E)(2) The Convention and the Central Committee have one standing Constitution Committee.
Proceedings of the Central Committee
78. The Central Committee decides all matters of the party between conventions, on condition that this authority was not granted to another institution under this constitution.
79. The Central Committee is authorized by a majority vote of its members to change any decision of the convention. Any such amendment made by the Central Committee will be brought to the knowledge of the convention at the next session after the decision is made and the decision will not become valid unless ratified by the convention.
80. Any decision made by the party regarding a connection with another political entity will be made by the Central Committee and requires a majority vote of its members.
81. The Central Committee will meet every six months and at least once a year.
82. The agenda and date of the Central Committee session, except for a meeting called under par. 84(a) will be coordinated between the Central Committee and the chairman of the party. In the event of dispute, the chairman of the party will decide.
83. Convening and organizing the Central Committee session will be done by the organizational division of the party.
Article 6: The Likud Party Chairman
84(a)(1) The Likud party leader will be elected at a date to be determined by the Central Committee and no later than six months before the date of the Knesset elections.(b) The chairman of the Likud will be elected in elections that are personal, general, direct, and secret, by the entire voting body as registered in the voter's registry.
85. The head of the Likud is the party's candidate to be Prime Minster of the State of Israel.
86. (a) In elections for the head of the Likud, the candidate to win the highest number of valid votes, which is at least 40% of the total votes, will be elected.
(b) In the event, that no candidate wins this number of votes, there will be a second round of voting within 14 days of the first round.
(c ) The second round of voting will be held between the candidate who won the highest number of votes and the candidate who won the next highest number of votes.
(e) In the event that in the second round, both candidates win the same number of votes, they will total the number of votes from the first round and the second round, and the one with the highest cumulative number of votes will win.
If after the second round, there is still parity between the candidates, the Likud convention or Central Committee will decide the winner, as the case may be.
The authority of the chairman of the party
87. The chairman will open the discussions of the party convention.
88. The chairman is authorized to bring before the party convention and its committees as well as before any institution and any authority of the party his proposal for a resolution. Such proposal will be brought for a vote at the first opportunity unless the chairman has agreed to postpone the vote or the majority of participants have voted to dismiss the motion.
89. The chairman will appoint the chairman of the Likud elections committee for Knesset, local government, and Histadrut elections.
Control Committee
91(a) When setting the date for the elections for the party chairman, the Central Committee will elect a committee to oversee the direct elections for the party chairman (hereinafter: the control committee) and appoint as its head a retired judge either of the Supreme Court or of a district court.
Article 11: The Knesset faction
- The members of the party in the Knesset and members of the government of the party who are not members of Knesset will constitute the Likud faction in the Knesset.
Authorities
138 (a) The faction will election a chairperson of the faction and members of the faction's administration.
(b) The faction will elect a deputy speaker of the Knesset, chairpersons for the various Knesset committees, as well as members of the Knesset committees.
(c) The faction will elect every candidate for other positions who are to be elected by law in the Knesset plenum and/or any of its committees, excluding candidates for minister and deputy-minister positions.
138.(d) The Knesset faction shall represent the party in the spirit of the principles of the party, taking into consideration the decision of its authorized institutions, and shall act in every issue related to the activities and authority of the Knesset.
Method of election
139 (a) After electing the chairman of the party, as stated in par. 84(b) the entire body of party members will elect the rest of the candidates for the Likud list for the Knesset, also to be conducted through personal, general, direct, and secret elections. The regional representatives of the Likud for the Knesset will be elected by the membership of that region only. The Central Committee will determine the procedure for holding elections after a decision in the constitutional committee.
140 The Likud Central Committee will convene a central election committee and a control committee to oversee the direct elections for the Likud list for the Knesset.
- Both of these committees will be headed by a retired justice, either of the Supreme Court or of a district court, and the number of committee members on each committee will not exceed nine.
Members who presented their candidacy for the Knesset list cannot be members of either of these committees.
- Direct elections for the Likud Knesset list will be held no later than six months before the general elections for the Knesset.
Article 12: The Likud faction in the Histadrut
- Likud party members who are members of the Histadrut Klallit (General Federation of Laborers in the Land of Israel") will constitute the ‘Likud faction of the Histadrut'.
- The faction will act according to the constitution of the party with the revisions as required by each matter.
(b) The faction will be the sole representative of the party in the Histadrut and its branches.
(c) Decisions made by the party's institutions will apply to this faction.
(d) Members of the Likud faction and its institutions will be subordinate to the courts of the party.
(e) The faction will be subject to inspection by the party control committee.
(f) Dismissing or suspending members from the faction will be done as is the practice for all members of the party.
The Iranian threat
When it comes to Israel's security, the Likud headed by Benjamin Netanyahu, has proved its ability to identify dangers to the country while implementing policies that effectively curb those dangers. Already in 1996, while serving as Prime Minister, Netanyahu addressed the US Congress and warned that the Iranian threat is the greatest threat facing the entire civilized world. Netanyahu urged the members of Congress to confront the Iranian regime at that time; unfortunately, his call was not sufficiently heeded.
Twelve years later, Iran is closer than ever to achieving nuclear capability, a situation that would at once pose an existential threat to the State of Israel and radically change the balance of power in our region, thus endangering the entire world.
An Iran armed with nuclear weaponry would set a historical precedent where an irrational and irresponsible regime would be equipped with weapons of mass destruction. Terror organizations would enjoy nuclear reinforcement, the world's oil sources would be vulnerable to a rapidly increasing threat of takeover, and the world would witness a frightening proliferation of nuclear weapons all over the world.
In addition, Iran is likely to arm the terror cells it controls with nuclear weapons. The chances of deterring the irresponsible Iranian regime from doing this using conventional methods are almost nil.
The danger Israel faces from the unpredictable behavior of the Iranian regime is clear: Iran has declared openly its intention to erase Israel from the global map, Ahmedinijad is well-known as a Holocaust denier though he has vowed to create another Holocaust and to launch missiles against the Jewish state marked "Death to Israel".
Israel is not the only country facing this great threat. While Israel is clearly the primary target of the Iranian missiles, Europe faces the same danger: even now, the Iranians are working on longer-range missiles capable of reaching the nations of the European Union , and within several short years, even the shores of America.
Preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons must be the first priority of the next government of Israel, whether this involves rallying world public opinion to impose economic and diplomatic sanctions against Iran or preparing for an appropriate military response should all other efforts fail.
Here is where the sharp contrast lies between the Likud and its leader and other parties. Zippy Livni, head of the Kadima Party, has already expressed her position that Iran poses no existential threat to the State of Israel. How can she convince world leaders to support a struggle to prevent Iran from arming with nuclear weapons if she herself is unaware of the danger this poses? How can she take action against existential threats to the State of Israel if she cannot even identify them?
This inability to identify existential threats to the State of Israel is not limited to the case of Iran. When Ehud Barak and Zippy Livni promised that our citizens would be safer after the hasty unilateral withdrawal from Lebanon and the Gaza Strip, Benjamin Netanyahu warned against those measures. When Benjamin Netanyahu resigned before the Disengagement, he and other Likud members repeatedly maintained that unilateral withdrawal would only reinforce Palestinian terror, imperil Israel, and undermine the chances of achieving real peace. At that time, many citizens supported the Disengagement, and the warning about this step strengthening the presence of Iranian terror cells in those areas to be evacuated were met by ridicule and indifference.
No more unilateral withdrawals
The 4000 rockets fired at the Galilee and Northern Israel during the Second Lebanon War, and the 4000 rockets fired at Israel from Gaza have proven to many people in Israel that the warnings issued by the Likud and its leader against unilateral withdrawals were not empty. Today, after the Disengagement, Hizbullah holds new and more dangerous weapons than it ever possessed. While there is a cease-fire in Gaza, Hamas continues to bring in tremendous quantities of munitions in preparation for the next round of terror. In the final analysis, these withdrawals and the Disengagement have turned an already complicated situation into one that is even more complex and perilous.
There cannot be any unilateral withdrawals in the future. Any area that the IDF evacuates will be taken over at once by the Hamas, and every withdrawal will broadcast a message of weakness and surrender.
The Likud is prepared to make concessions in exchange for peace, such as Menachem Begin did in the peace treaty with Egyptian President Anwar Saadat - concessions in exchange for a true and reliable peace agreement. Only through such arrangements which protect Israel's security can we promote peace with our neighbors.
A Peace that Can Succeed
The current peace negotiations, initiated at Annapolis, with their focus on reaching a final status agreement immediately, are misguided. I do not believe that the Palestinians are prepared today to make the type of historic compromise that would end the conflict. There is no evidence that the Palestinians will accept even the minimal demands that any responsible Israeli leader will make. The Palestinians rejected an offer of sweeping concessions eight years ago, and there is no evidence that their positions on any of the core issues have become more moderate. If anything, faced with a weak Israeli government, their positions have only hardened.
Israel should be focusing its efforts instead on helping Abu Mazen and Fayad improve the day-to-day lives of Palestinians. In particular, we should be trying to help them rapidly develop their economy. While this will not resolve the conflict, it can create an environment in which negotiations would have a better chance of succeeding. A Likud-led government will immediately focus on a serious and sustained effort to fundamentally change the situation on the ground.
Where we draw the lines in any peace agreement
When the times comes for a final-settlement negotiation, the Likud will draw the line in a clear-cut way:
The Likud and its leader will insist that the responsibility for the security of the citizens of the State of Israel remains firmly in the hands of the State and that Israel's right to defend its borders will be secured, a right that is grounded in UN Resolutions 242 and 338.
Responsibility for Palestinian Refugees - belongs with the Arab Countries
A Likud-headed government will not allow thousands, certainly not millions, of Palestinian refugees to enter Israel. Israel will not take any moral responsibility for those refugees, since their very plight today is the result of the fatal decisions made by the Arab world: the decision to declare war on Israel instead of accepting the right of Jews to have a country of their own, and the decision maintained ever since 1967 to deny those Palestinian refugees the opportunity to rehabilitate themselves and continue their lives in Arab countries.
Jerusalem undivided and under Israeli rule
The government headed by the Likud will keep Jerusalem the unified capital of Israel under Israeli sovereignty. For 2000 years Jews from all over the world have yearned to return to Jerusalem and rebuild their historical capital. Jerusalem is the very heart of Jewish culture and we will continue to preserve it as such, while allowing freedom of religion and access to all religions in their holy places in the city.
The worst action that can be taken for peace is dividing Jerusalem. Such a step would create a permanent site of friction that is likely to ignite the entire region. Only an undivided Jerusalem under Israeli sovereignty can preserve regional peace.
The War Against Terror
A Likud-lead government headed by Benjamin Netanyahu provides us with proven ability to wage a war against terror. In 1996, after his election, Netanyahu was handed a country reeling from multiple terror attacks. In the three years that he served as Prime minister, only three terror attacks took place. Although this was three too many, the Netanyahu government managed to restore a sense of personal security to the citizenry and to subdue Palestinian terror.
After the {Palestinians launched their massive terror attacks following the failed Camp David talks, Netanyahu contended that Israel must move from enduring a war of attrition to launching a decisive military operation against the Palestinian regime. Over a two year period, the government ignored those recommendations and refused to take any military action. Hundreds of Israelis paid the price of this inaction - with their lives. When action was finally taken in 2002, the result was a dramatic drop in terrorist activity within Israel.
The Likud government under Netanyahu will combat every terror offensive with a clear and decisive response.
And that's a wrap.