Columnist Richard Cohen has taken his paper, The Washington Post, to task for not calling Republican untruths lies. Instead, the paper employed gentle euphemisms such as "myths." It was one of the few papers to do any fact checking at all in an age when the mainstream media feared alienating readers by presenting unpalatable facts. The sad fact is that the 2010 election made outright, blatant lies respectable acceptable political tool.
He noted that Republicans have contempt for the intelligence of the American public, and he could have added that they also have contempt for our political system. This system operates through compromise, intelligent discourse, and civility. The Republican reliance upon obstructionism, vile rhetoric, and extremism rhetoric inflicts permanent damage on the system.
Cohen listed a number of flat-out lies, but neglected to include one of the biggest whoppers. The anti-abortion and religious wing of the Republican party repeatedly said the health care reform act opened the floodgates to federally funded abortions. They were unable to muster any evidence for this outrageous claim but repeated in in many advertisements funded by secret donors.
The liberal columnist correctly predicted that the current interest in civility will not last long. It cannot because continued Republican politician success depends upon lies and rancor. An approach that depends upon rational arguments and facts is likely to lead voters to make decisions on the basis of self-interest, and Republican policies simply do not work in the interest of most Americans.
James Madison thought our political system worked best when voters made rational decisions on the basis of self interest. But he admitted to Thomas Jefferson that voters often are moved by "artificial" considerations such as religion and hyper-partisanship. Such voters can rarely be reached through appeals to reason.
Over time, scholars have examined various non-rational political motivations. One is "status politics," which accounts for the conduct of people who believe that their status in society is being threatened.
This approach is a blending of emotional with possibly reality based considerations.
An approach that is even less rational is that of right-wing populism. Typically, people engulfed by it believe some elite—usually an imaginary one-- is plotting against them and is bent on destroying their cultural values. Hot button emotional issues such as opposition to abortion or homosexuals are typically deployed.
For a long time, social scientists believed that this kind of populism was short lived and mercurial. However, Republicans have successfully used right-wing populism for over three decades, proving that it can become a fixture in American politics. Emotional red flag issues, coupled with distortions and hyperbole, are needed to activate these voters.
Republicans have probably activated as many voters as possible by milking right-wing populism. Because some evangelical young people seem less attracted by these appeals, the size of this reliable Republican voting bloc might diminish a bit in coming years.
In 2010, the GOP was able to capitalize upon a crisis atmosphere that had been building in the land since September 11, 2010 and reached a peak with the financial and economic collapse. Many feared that their place in the middle class was no longer secure, and there was also a widespread concern that America's greatness was largely behind her. More than a few were panicked that the era of white hegemony were over and they were bent on taking back their country.
The multiple crises spawned a massive outbreak of political fundamentalism in the form of the Tea Bag movement. Like other fundamentalisms, it was a survivors' reaction among fearful, angry, and confused people who need simple certainties.
These people are very uncomfortable with ambiguities and, above all, need the emotional solace that comes from certainty and clinging to what they take to be the "givens" of the conventional wisdom. In this case, it is a conventional wisdom shaped by corporate America and the Republican information machine. It is built on accepting aggressive nationalism and an unrestrained economy. Implicit in political fundamentalism is the idea that there as a natural social hierarchy shaped according to the principles of Social Darwinism. Political fundamentalism thrives on hostility to various "Others," in this case Hispanic immigrants, Muslims, liberals, and African Americans. The first signs of political fundamentalism were seen at the Sarah Palin rallies in 2008, where the atmosphere was often similar to that of a Klan rally.
No stranger to religious fundamentalism or the strange politics of fringe movements, Governor Palin proved a master at peddling political fundamentalism. Soon, Republicans led by Dick Armey and Mrs. Clarence Thomas and funded by millionaires like David and Charles Koch were busy building the Tea Bag movement. To do so, it was necessary to peddle some big lies and to claim that there was a conscious effort to scrap the constitution and create a socialist republic.
Political fundamentalists come to live in a parallel world or bubble; this is necessary to avoid self-perception and facts that could puncture the bubble. What is required is blind eyes, closed ears, and absolute belief. They flock to what they think is a "lost" ethic.
Political fundamentalists often appropriate the power of God. This is why Glenn Beck’s Lincoln Memorial rally was so important; he was pointing to the allegedly lost values of being God and family centered. Restoring the "lost" ethic, it was claimed, would brush aside threats to the American economy and domestic security. Beck spent weeks building up his credentials as a spokesman for God, and his rally was presented as being about God, not politics. Political fundamentalists tend to conformity and claims of superior morality.
Historical examples of political fundamentalism suggest that it is not something that fades soon. Even if unemployment were to quickly drop to 6% uneasiness would continue. Perhaps political fundamentalism cease to grow. If, on the other hand, the economy would get a lot worse, it is very unlikely that even near-depression conditions would jolt people into moving to the left. Political fundamentalism would most likely grow still more. After all, there really is no strong counter narrative to challenger what the Republicans and corporate America have served up with such great expertise.
The short term strategy for the Democrats is to learn to communicate with the American people. That includes message control,truth squads to correct Republican lies, a concerted effort to convince women that Republican plans threaten the safety net, their families,and community values. Above all, there must be a simple narrative that includes understandable steps to strengthen the economy and the middle class.
Above all, Democrats cannot buy into the Republican narrative. In the State of the Union Address, President Obama dare not agree that fiscal austerity will create vast numbers of jobs. Working to reduce the deficit is commendable, and he needs to remind voters that repealing health care will will be costly. He also needs to explain one more time how the stimulus saved the country from a depression.