Dilip Hiro is author of the just-published book
Apocalyptic Realm: Jihadists in South Asia. Here is an excerpt from his latest essay at TomDispatch,
Taking Uncle Sam for a Ride—
How Pakistan Makes Washington Pay for the Afghan War :
Given such strong cards, diplomatic and legal, why then did the Obama administration commit itself to releasing more than $1 billion to a government that has challenged its attempt to bring to justice an alleged mastermind of cross-border terrorism?
Dilip Hiro (V. V. Krishnan)
The answer lies in what happened at two Pakistani border posts 1.5 miles from the Afghan frontier in the early hours of November 26, 2011. NATO fighter aircraft and helicopters based in Afghanistan carried out a two-hour-long raid on these posts, killing 24 soldiers. Enraged, Pakistan’s government shut the two border crossings through which the U.S. and NATO had until then sent a significant portion of their war supplies into Afghanistan. Its officials also forced the U.S. to vacate Shamsi air base, which was being used by the CIA as a staging area for its drone air war in Pakistan’s tribal areas along the Afghan border. The drone strikes are exceedingly unpopular – one poll found 97% of respondents viewed them negatively -- and they are vehemently condemned by a large section of the Pakistani public and its politicians.
Furthermore, the government ordered a comprehensive review of all programs, activities, and cooperation arrangements with the U.S. and NATO. It also instructed the country’s two-tier parliament to conduct a thorough review of Islamabad’s relations with Washington. Having taken the moral high ground, the Pakistani government pressed its demands on the Obama administration.
An appointed Parliamentary Committee on National Security (PCNS) then deliberately moved at a snail’s pace to perform the task on hand, while the Pentagon explored alternative ways of ferrying goods into Afghanistan via other countries to sustain its war there. By contrast, a vociferous campaign against the reopening of the Pakistani supply lines led by the Difa-e Pakistan Council (Defense of Pakistan), representing 40 religious and political groups, headed by Hafiz Saeed, took off. Its leaders have addressed huge rallies in major Pakistani cities. It was quick to condemn Washington’s bounty on Saeed, describing it as “a nefarious attempt” to undermine the Council’s drive to protect the country’s sovereignty.
Meanwhile, the loss of the daily traffic of 500 trucks worth of food, fuel, and weapons from the Pakistani port of Karachi through the Torkham and Chaman border crossings into Afghanistan, though little publicized in U.S. media, has undermined the fighting capability of U.S. and NATO forces.
“If we can’t negotiate or successfully renegotiate the reopening of ground lines of communication with Pakistan, we have to default and rely on India and the Northern Distribution Network (NDN),” said a worried Lieutenant General Frank Panter to the Readiness Subcommittee of the Armed Services Committee of the U.S. House of Representatives on March 30th. “Both are expensive propositions and it increases the deployment or redeployment.” [...]
Blast from the Past. At Daily Kos on this date in 2003:
Lawyers for Veep Cheney, seeking an appellate court order halting efforts to release Energy Task Force documents, were slapped around by the three judge panel.
An appeals judge told lawyers for Vice President Richard Cheney on Thursday they had no basis to ask the court to intervene in a suit seeking White House energy policy papers, saying "you have no case." [...]
Appeals Judge Harry Edwards, who dominated the questioning during oral arguments by lawyers, said the Bush administration appeared to be arguing, wrongly, that it was immune from litigation.
"You pretend there is no law on the books. You have no case," Edwards lectured Justice Department attorney Gregory Katsas.
Many thought this issue was dead once the GAO dropped its case in February. But that decision did not affect the suit by the Sierra Club and Judicial Watch. A final decision won't be issued for a couple of months, but assuming it does the obvious, and deny Cheney's motion, the Energy Task Force will have to either 1) release some Task Force documents requested in the discovery portion of the trial, or 2) provide a detailed explanation of what they were withholding and why.
Any conclusion to this case won't happen until after the 2004 elections, so the best hope is to have the court force the release of at least some of these documents. There's a reason the administration is fighting their release, and it has nothing to do with "unfettered advice."
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