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When I heard the news the other day that the Supreme Court had voted 5-4 to
strip public employees of their First Amendment rights, I got a chill down my spine.
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It's finally happened, I thought to myself. We've crossed the Godwin Divide.
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(Cross-posted at My Left Wing)
Many people over the past five-and-a-half years of Republican control of the federal government - myself included - have succumbed to the temptation of drawing analogies between the Republican Reich, er, I mean,
Reign, and Germany's Third Reich. The invocation of such analogies, of course, simply goes to prove the validity of
Godwin's Law, which in essence posits that in any online discussion, given enough time, someone will draw an analogy to Hitler and/or the Nazis. "Don't compare the Republicans to Nazis - that's really a stretch," people have said.
The "Godwin Divide" is a term that (to the best of my knowledge) I have just coined, to denote the particular point at which an analogy drawn to Hitler or the Nazis is no longer simply gratuitous or fatuous, but reasoned and appropriate.
And, I submit, with the Supreme Court's recent decision and everything that has preceded it since before the 2000 presidential campaign, we have reached that point in this country.
In other words: It's not a stretch anymore.
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Last week, Steven D took some heat for his diary, "We Live Under a Dictatorship." Some folks thought he had gone overboard. I am not one of those people - on the contrary, I'm much more inclined to agree with Sandra Day O'Connor, who said in March that this country could well be seeing the beginning of a dictatorship.
Let's take a cold, hard look at what has happened in this country in the past five years:
-This administration fabricated evidence to engage in a pre-determined illegal war of aggression, and repeatedly lied about both the evidence and its use of it. It attempted to stage a completely phony provocation in order to provide a justification to invade another country
-This administration has placed in key positions of power supporters of a foreign policy that advocates creating global domination of U.S. interests through military might, and has carried out war to effect that end
- This administration has used the most powerful and invasive tools at its disposal - from electronic surveillance to physical searches - to gather information on American citizens on American soil, all without warrants
- This administration has detained unidentified people - including American citizens - for nearly five years, some in undisclosed locations and all without objective third-party inspections, without charge and without access to legal counsel. This administration - including its highest law-enforcement officer - has condoned and used torture of all kinds on these detainees and others it has wrongly imprisoned throughout the world
- This administration has refused to recognize the authority of the Congress and the Constitution, and has openly stated its intention to continue its defiance of the written, well-established law of the land
- This administration has blocked every attempt to investigate its activities, from domestic spying to the activities of American corporations
- This administration has been the beneficiary of two elections decided under - at best - dubious circumstances
- This administration has openly declared its desire to invoke a military response to a potential outbreak of disease in this country
- This administration has pursued policies that benefit certain industries, while maintaining absolute secrecy and no accountability about the provenance of those policies
- This administration has actively supported the demonization of minority groups
- This administration has quashed dissent, from campaign events to political commentary, by using intimidation and demonization
- This administration has illegally spread propaganda in this country in order to further its political agenda
- This administration has threatened reporters and their sources with punishment if they should reveal information about illegal clandestine activities, by citing the need to protect the homeland
Still think only a nutcase would draw Nazi analogies? Okay, then, here - let's play a fun little game to test my "Godwin Divide" theory: In the above bullet points, wherever the phrase, "this administration" appears, substitute the phrase, "Hitler's Nazi regime"; for "U.S." or "American," substitute "German"; and for "Congress," substitute "Reichstag." Go ahead, try it!
How'd that work out for ya? Except for the "dubious elections" part (the Nazis, to the best of my knowledge, never stole an election; they simply stopped having them once they came to power), it's a pretty good fit, isn't it? Oh, it's not perfect - it's more like the way the east coast of South America fits into the west coast of Africa: close enough to make the connection, unless you're a creationist.
(If this talk of Nazis and Hitlers still seems too extreme, I would invite you to consider this: How long ago was it, on this very website, that talk of a stolen election in Ohio in 2004 was roundly dismissed as "crazy" and "unsubstantiated," was considered by many established dKos users to be too far out there to warrant serious discussion? Yet today, we see several diaries about the article that's running in the current issue of Rolling Stone, which lends still more weight and credence to those Cassandras. I submit that the Bush/Hitler, Republican/Nazi case is no different in that respect. Only one thing can change it, and I will discuss that at the end of Part II, tomorrow.)
When I came to the realization that we had crossed the Godwin Divide, I did a smidgen of research on Hitler and the rise of Nazism. Not anything really heavy-duty, mind you; just some quick and dirty Googling. I found a handy little resource site, The History Place, and thought it might be interesting to take some snippets from that site's recounting of Hitler's rise and reign, and see how those accounts might dovetail with what's going on in this country today.
The results were creepy.
To find out just how creepy, let's play the same game we played above, only in reverse. See how well the post-World-War-I German experience fits into the history of BushCo by reading the following passages in the boxes, and wherever you see the word, "Hitler," replacing it with "Bush." Wherever the word "Nazi" appears, replace it with "Republican." And so on - you get the idea. Go ahead, dive in - but don't say you weren't warned . . .
(Note: Unless otherwise noted, all blockquotes are from The History Place's sections on Hitler and the Nazis; all emphases added.)
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Virtually all of Hitler's grand scheme was laid out in his book, Mein Kampf (My Struggle). A shrewd political pragmatist, he understood that his cause would gain a great deal of support among suffering Germans if scapegoats could be found. His first scapegoat was the government itself: once the validity of the government was under question, the Nazis' "new" approach would be more seriously considered as an alternative. And once the general population could deflect responsibility for their situation from themselves onto other people less powerful, they themselves would feel more powerful. It was a very seductive combination. But being the archetypal outsider, Hitler understood that given his party's humble beginnings, his followers would have to use the governmental system against itself:
"Instead of working to achieve power by an armed coup we shall have to hold our noses and enter the Reichstag against the Catholic and Marxist deputies. If outvoting them takes longer than outshooting them, at least the results will be guaranteed by their own Constitution! Any lawful process is slow. But sooner or later we shall have a majority - and after that Germany."
The Nazis were masterful at controlling the message. Everything for them was a photo-op - including the 1936 Olympics in Berlin, where Hitler's desire to show off Aryan supremacy was spoiled by a black man from Ohio who won four gold medals. Hitler's trademark was that dramatic setpiece, the political rally:
His campaign appearances were carefully staged events
Sound familiar?
The Nazis' cynicism about the governmental process was remarkably akin to that of Grover Norquist:
[When the Nazis gained 107 seats in the Reichstag in 1930, t]hey had no intention of cooperating with the democratic government, knowing it was to their advantage to let things get worse in Germany, thus increasing the appeal of Hitler to an ever more miserable people.
The Nazis had backing from old-line aristocrats, big-money interests and the military, each of which had its own agenda. Aristocrats looked down their noses at the riff-raff newly enfranchised by the fledgling democracy in Germany; Big Business wanted to be able to make money without restriction; and the military, shamed and eviscerated after World War I, wanted to return to its heyday:
[M]any non-Nazis thought having Hitler as chancellor was to their advantage. Conservative members of the former aristocratic ruling class desired an end to the republic and a return to an authoritarian government that would restore Germany to glory and bring back their old privileges. They wanted to go back to the days of the Kaiser. For them, putting Hitler in power was just the first step toward achieving that goal. They knew it was likely he would wreck the republic. Then once the republic was abolished, they could put in someone of their own choosing, perhaps even a descendant of the Kaiser.
Big bankers and industrialists, including Krupp and I. G. Farben, had lobbied [aging German President Paul von] Hindenburg and schemed behind the scenes on behalf of Hitler because they were convinced he would be good for business. He promised to be for free enterprise and keep down Communism and the trade union movements.
The military also placed its bet on Hitler, believing his repeated promises to tear up the Treaty of Versailles and expand the Army and bring back its former glory.
Also,
Money was flowing in from German industrialists who saw the Nazis as the wave of the future. They invested in Hitler in the hope of getting favors when he came to power.
All of the resources of the government necessary for a big win were placed at the disposal of Joseph Goebbels. The big industrialists who had helped Hitler into power gladly coughed up three million marks. Representatives from Krupp munitions and I. G. Farben were among those reaching into their pockets at Gõring's insistence.
"The sacrifice we ask is easier to bear if you realize that the elections will certainly be the last for the next ten years, probably for the next hundred years," Gõring told them.
Two of Hitler's top advisors, Josef Goebbels and Hermann Gõring, suggested an audacious plan that would call attention to the fledgling Nazi party, unite the country against a perceived enemy, and demonstrate the need for drastic legislation to clamp down on terrorists and infiltrators: They proposed to burn down the Reichstag, the building that housed the German legislative body. And the Reichstag fire, as Hitler might have said, changed everything.
Gõring and Goebbels, with Hitler's approval, then hatched a plan to cause panic by burning the Reichstag building and blaming the Communists. [snip]
Hitler left the fire scene and went straight to the offices of his newspaper, the Võlkischer Beobachter, to oversee its coverage of the fire. He stayed up all night with Goebbels putting together a paper full of tales of a Communist plot to violently seize power in Berlin. [snip]
At a cabinet meeting held later in the morning, February 28, Chancellor Hitler demanded an emergency decree to overcome the crisis. He met little resistance from his largely non-Nazi cabinet. That evening, Hitler and Papen went to Hindenburg and the befuddled old man signed the decree "for the Protection of the people and the State." [snip]
The Emergency Decree stated: "Restrictions on personal liberty, on the right of free expression of opinion, including freedom of the press; on the rights of assembly and association; and violations of the privacy of postal, telegraphic and telephonic communications and warrants for house searches, orders for confiscations as well as restrictions on property, are also permissible beyond the legal limits otherwise prescribed."
The Nazis suppressed all political activity, meetings and publications of non-Nazi parties. The very act of campaigning against the Nazis was in effect made illegal. [snip]
Nazi newspapers continued to print false evidence of Communist conspiracies, claiming that only Hitler and the Nazis could prevent a Communist takeover. Joseph Goebbels now had control of the State-run radio and broadcast Nazi propaganda and Hitler's speeches all across the nation.
(No word on whether there was 24-hour-a-day newsreel coverage of missing Aryan women.)
Once Hitler was named Chancellor, he set in motion a truly chilling series of events, commencing with the Reichstag fire. The Nazis cemented their claim on legitimacy in ways that seem now somehow familiar:
[Hitler's oath of office upon assuming the chancellorhood:]
"I will employ my strength for the welfare of the German people, protect the Constitution and laws of the German people, conscientiously discharge the duties imposed on me, and conduct my affairs of office impartially and with justice to everyone."
[snip]
Now, the man who had spent his entire political career denouncing and attempting to destroy the republic, was its leader. [snip] Adolf Hitler, the new Chancellor of Germany, had no intention of abiding by the rules of democracy. He intended only to use those rules to legally establish himself as dictator as quickly as possible then begin the Nazi revolution. [snip]
Hitler's plan was to establish a majority of elected Nazis in the Reichstag which would become a rubber stamp, passing whatever laws he desired while making it all perfectly legal.
For Adolf Hitler, the goal of a legally established dictatorship was now within reach. On March 15, 1933, a cabinet meeting was held during which Hitler and Gõring discussed how to obstruct what was left of the democratic process to get an Enabling Act passed by the Reichstag. This law would hand over the constitutional functions of the Reichstag to Hitler, including the power to make laws, control the budget and approve treaties with foreign governments.
The emergency decree signed by Hindenburg on February 28, after the Reichstag fire, made it easy for them to interfere with non-Nazi elected representatives of the people by simply arresting them . . . [snip]
[On March 21, 1933], Hindenburg signed two decrees put before him by Hitler . . .
[including a] decree signed by the befuddled old man allow[ing] for the arrest of anyone suspected of maliciously criticizing the government and the Nazi party.
A third decree signed only by Hitler and Papen allowed for the establishment of special courts to try political offenders. These courts were conducted in the military style of a court-martial without a jury and usually with no counsel for the defense.
Wow - this is just like
déjà vu all over again!
Political enemies were arrested by the thousands and put in hastily constructed holding pens. Old army barracks and abandoned factories were used as prisons. Once inside, prisoners were subjected to military style drills and harsh discipline. They were often beaten and sometimes even tortured to death. This was the very beginning of the Nazi concentration camp system. [snip]
For Adolf Hitler, the goal of a legally established dictatorship was now within reach. On March 15, 1933, a cabinet meeting was held during which Hitler and G^ring discussed how to obstruct what was left of the democratic process to get an Enabling Act passed by the Reichstag. This law would hand over the constitutional functions of the Reichstag to Hitler, including the power to make laws, control the budget and approve treaties with foreign governments.
The emergency decree signed by Hindenburg on February 28, after the Reichstag fire, made it easy for them to interfere with non-Nazi elected representatives of the people by simply arresting them . . . [snip]
[On March 21, 1933], Hindenburg signed two decrees put before him by Hitler . . .
[including a] decree signed by the befuddled old man allowed for the arrest of anyone suspected of maliciously criticizing the government and the Nazi party.
A third decree signed only by Hitler and Papen allowed for the establishment of special courts to try political offenders. These courts were conducted in the military style of a court-martial without a jury and usually with no counsel for the defense. [snip]
On March 23, the newly elected Reichstag met in the Kroll Opera House in Berlin to consider passing Hitler's Enabling Act. It was officially called the "Law for Removing the Distress of the People and the Reich." If passed, it would in effect vote democracy out of existence in Germany and establish the legal dictatorship of Adolf Hitler.
Brown-shirted Nazi storm troopers swarmed over the fancy old building in a show of force and as a visible threat. They stood outside, in the hallways and even lined the aisles inside, glaring ominously at anyone who might oppose Hitler's will.
Before the vote, Hitler made a speech in which he pledged to use restraint.
"The government will make use of these powers only insofar as they are essential for carrying out vitally necessary measures...The number of cases in which an internal necessity exists for having recourse to such a law is in itself a limited one," Hitler told the Reichstag.
He also promised an end to unemployment and pledged to promote peace with France, Great Britain and the Soviet Union. But in order to do all this, Hitler said, he first needed the Enabling Act. A two-thirds majority was needed, since the law would actually alter the constitution. Hitler needed 31 non-Nazi votes to pass it. He got those votes from the Catholic Center Party after making a false promise to restore some basic rights already taken away by decree. [snip]
But one man arose amid the overwhelming might. Otto Wells, leader of the Social Democrats stood up and spoke quietly to Hitler.
"We German Social Democrats pledge ourselves solemnly in this historic hour to the principles of humanity and justice, of freedom and socialism. No enabling act can give you power to destroy ideas which are eternal and indestructible."
Hitler was enraged and jumped up to respond.
"You are no longer needed! - The star of Germany will rise and yours will sink! Your death knell has sounded!"
The vote was taken - 441 for, and only 84, the Social Democrats, against. The Nazis leapt to their feet clapping, stamping and shouting, then broke into the Nazi anthem, the Hörst Wessel song.
Democracy was ended. They had brought down the German Democratic Republic legally. From this day onward, the Reichstag would be just a sounding board, a cheering section for Hitler's pronouncements.
And that's how it ends - not with a bang, but with the Hõrst Wessel Song.
TOMORROW: PART II: Lebensraum and Exceptionalism, Hitler's Military, and Should I Plan My Exile Now?