If Khalid Sheikh Mohammed’s confession is believable in all its particulars, then we’ve heard the best reason yet for shutting down Camp Delta in that permanently leased bit of land the Bush Administration once tried to persuade us was neither part of the United States nor Cuba, making the law there whatever the lawless Donald Rumsfeld and his minions said it was. Makes you wonder what "enemy combatant" actions could possibly remain that KSM didn’t plan, lead, supervise or carry out all by his lonesome. Makes you almost think the rest of the detainees could just as well go home since there’s not much left they could have done.
Unlike some folks in wwwLand, including a few Diarists here, I’m not saying the man didn’t do every single thing claimed in the written and oral remarks at his military tribunal hearing at Guantánamo Bay last weekend. Maybe he did. Probably did, if you leave him some wiggle room for braggadocio.
But we will never know for certain because we’ve got gangsters running the executive branch instead of men and women committed to the rule of law. Rendition, torture, secret prisons, rancid legal reasoning, attempts to transform the Constitution and Geneva Conventions into so much confetti, and lies, lies, lies have characterized every aspect of the treatment our so-called leaders have meted out to those they say were responsible for Nine Eleven and other terrorist acts.
Count as bad enough what we’ve learned about what’s been going on – including snatching alleged suspects off foreign streets and plopping them into impromptu or real dungeons where their screams won’t be noticed amid all the other screams. We know many of them were tortured, and Mohammed says he was, which makes his confession wholly worthless. But, like so much about this Administration, the bulk of misbehavior remains concealed, Guantánamo being no exception. Is it any wonder then that so many people have voiced suspicions deep and wide regarding what we’ve been told overflows the mastermind’s résumé? Can it be surprising that the news of the confession even prompted some single-minded folks to raise once again a matter that FAQ Section 4.3.5 forbids me to elaborate upon?
It didn’t have to be this way. Transparency, allegiance to the letter and spirit of national and international law, and a refusal to behave like the cops of some Klan-riddled 1950s police department could have made us proud to be Americans, unified behind our government at a time of crisis, adhering to the principles we all were taught America stood for, and able to believe the confessions of those caught and questioned for criminal acts against our fellow citizens. Instead, the Bushbots made sure we don’t believe a word they say, or a word they say others have said.
I’m not a Pollyanna about government lies. Particularly when it comes to secretive government agencies whose stock-in-trade is lying, as is the case with the CIA, which, it is said, secretly held Khalid Sheikh Mohammed for more than three years before he was turned over to authorities at Camp Delta for sham legal proceedings. My eyes were first opened when I read The Invisible Government in 1964. And, more personally, when, 40 years ago last month, Robert Scheer exposed in Ramparts magazine that the National Student Association, an organization for which I was then my university’s delegate, was a CIA cutout.
Eight years later a host of CIA (and FBI) abuses came to light in the hearings of the United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, better known as the Church Committee, after Idaho Sen. Frank Church. A decade after that, in 1984, AP reporter Robert Parry wrote about the assassination manual the CIA provided to the Nicaraguan terrorists known as contras. In 1985, the Baltimore Sun exposed torture manuals the CIA had produced for five Latin American security forces. "While we do not stress the use of coercive techniques, we want to make you aware of them and the proper way to use them," the authors wrote.
Before these exposés shed light on the CIA’s activities, the agency, of course, denied everything. Whether it was rumors about the coup in Iran, the opening of domestic mail, the assassination of foreign leaders or the planting of disinformation designed to persuade otherwise skeptical people of something that the agency and its bosses wanted done, the CIA said: Not us. For those of us who watched all this unfold, it would have been exceedingly difficult not to mistrust everything anybody from the CIA ever said.
This was all in the days before CIA deputy directors spoke openly to the press and ex-CIA agents appeared on cable news shows as paid analysts. Today, I’d like to believe the Michael Scheuers, Robert Baers and Ray McGoverns because they say things that sound plausible and they appear to hold many views of U.S. foreign and intelligence policy that I agree with – Hell, I sometimes Recommend Diaries here by L.C. Johnson – and Valerie Plame Wilson is a kind of hero even though we’ve just begun to hear what she has to say.
But a little voice in the back of my head intones: Have you forgotten? It reminds me that in addition to overthrowing governments, training terrorists, recruiting spies and gathering information, one of the CIA’s tasks has always been to spread disinformation. As Fresh Air interviewer Terry Gross – in her trademark polite-but-direct way – asked former Congo CIA station chief Larry Devlin on her March 13 show, why she should believe anything he says. Why, indeed.
The Bush Administration could have behaved differently after Nine Eleven. It could have upended the long and unsavory history of government lying. It could have given Americans reason to believe their government's officials. Instead, it’s provided a surfeit of reasons for disbelieving every word they utter or say someone else has uttered, including the likes of the Khalid Sheikh Mohammeds. Any President or Congress who wants to begin reversing that attitude has hard work ahead of them.