Boy, did Elizabeth Dole blow it big time.
As early as last summer, Mehlman signaled he lacked full confidence in Dole's committee. In an unprecedented move, he set up an independent entity to control more than $12 million that the Republican National Committee spent for television advertising in Ohio, Tennessee and Missouri.
Aides at both party committees insisted at the time the decision was a joint one. But Mehlman privately told associates he was frustrated with the Senate campaign committee. His actions contrasted sharply with the battle for control of the House, where the RNC contributed funds to an existing campaign organization rather than create its own.
Frist also wanted an outside check. In an unusual move, he hired a polling firm, The Winston Group, shortly before Labor Day to conduct surveys in six important races.
Based on the results, officials said Frist stepped in to help overhaul Bob Corker's struggling campaign in his home state of Tennessee. Corker ended up beating Democrat Harold Ford Jr. Frist also pushed for a resumption of party-paid advertising in Montana and questioned plans for a multimillion-dollar investment in New Jersey.
This was truly bizarre, and I may have written about it once or twice during those hectic final months of the election -- we were getting polling results from the various Senate races from both the NRSC and the Senate Majority Leader's office. Considering that each poll costs $15-50K, it was a great way to squander money by needlessly duplicating efforts. Or perhaps it was so "needlessly", given that it was ultimately Frist who pulled Bob Corker's balls out of the fire in Tennessee. Dole and her NRSC appeared incapable of righting that ship.
Final fundraising figures show Dole's committee raised $30 million less than the Democratic counterpart headed by Sen. Charles Schumer of New York. Given the disparity, several Republican strategists questioned the decision to spend more than $4 million last fall in New Jersey and $800,000 in Michigan in an unsuccessful attempt to find a weak spot in the Democratic lineup. Democrats won both races by relatively comfortable margins [...]
NRSC officials said the White House and RNC had recommended the late-campaign investment in new Jersey and Michigan [...]
Interesting that Dole is getting all the blame for this one, considering that it was moves that Karl Rove was aggressively promoting. And not just Michigan and New Jersey, but Maryland as well. And while in New Jersey the polling justified the expense (Kean lead for some time), the numbers in Michigan and indigo Blue Maryland never justified the millions Republicans dumped into them. A fraction of that money, spent in either Virginia, Missouri, or Montana would've likely given us a 50-50 Senate.
At the same time, more than a dozen party officials and strategists criticized the steps the committee took — or did not take — in Montana and Virginia in the campaign's final weeks.
Burns and Sen. George Allen lost exceedingly close races — the margin of defeat a fraction of a percentage point. A victory in either one would have left the Senate tied at 50-50, giving Republicans control on Vice President Cheney's ability to break tie votes.
Two more weeks of ads in Montana might have made a difference, said one of many Republicans who expressed anger that Dole's committee aired no television advertisements in Burns' behalf for between Labor Day and Halloween.
In Virginia, Allen and the Senate campaign committee combined were outspent on television advertising in each of the last five weeks by challenger Jim Webb and the Democratic campaign committee, according to internal GOP figures. The gap exceeded $700,000 in the final seven days.
Numerous Republicans also have displayed anger at Bush for the party's election losses, in particular his decision to wait until after the election to replace Donald H. Rumsfeld as defense secretary [...]
At one point, officials said, White House aides wanted Bush to make a late-campaign trip to Missouri. NRSC strategists were opposed, fearing the impact of his low approval ratings. Ultimately, Sen. Jim Talent's campaign aides decided the president should go to strongly Republican areas, but not Kansas City or St. Louis, where surveys showed the president was particularly unpopular.
That Bush visit probably cost Talent his seat.
There's another Dole decision that gets a pass in this lengthy AP report -- the NRSC's decision to go in, guns blazing, on behalf of Lincoln Chafee in the Rhode Island Republican primary. The decision left every battleground state East of the Mississippi River without party staff for 10 days during the summer, which included most of the contested Senate seats this past cycle -- Ohio, Missouri, Tennessee, Minnesota, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Maryland, and New Jersey. They sunk millions of dollars in Chafee's effort over a popular movement conservative. Not only was the money wasted in an ultimately futile effort, but the move also angered activists and further demoralized an already dejected crowd. Picture the DSCC dumping money into Joe Lieberman's campaign against Ned Lamont in the primary, and you'll understand how they felt.
Dole was a disaster. Bush is a disaster (and always will be). The GOP playbook was a disaster. Candidates like Burns and Allen were disasters. And it's fun seeing them all blame each other.
Race tracker wiki: MT-Sen