Apparently in response to reader comments and e-mails, Barney Calame takes Michael Gordon and the NYT editors to task for his decidedly pro-adminstration reporting on Iran.
Editing vigilance on intelligence and national security coverage means dealing with the anonymous sourcing that many deem essential to bringing vital issues to light in that murky area. So editors need to ensure that unnamed sources are in a position to know and that any biases are clear to the reporter. The Times’s most important requirement for anonymous sources — that an editor must know their identity — was followed for Mr. Gordon’s Feb. 10 story. Douglas Jehl, a deputy chief of the Washington bureau and his editor, told me he knew the name of each anonymous source in the article. The story also attempted a generalized explanation of why the officials were willing to talk. I do wish, however, that the article had found a way to comply with the paper’s policy of explaining why sources are allowed to remain unnamed.
On the whole, Calame's piece doesn't come down too hard on Gordon, but does call into question some of the choices his editors allowed.
Failing to reach out for dissenting views was a pre-war shortcoming, The Times has previously acknowledged. So even after Mr. Gordon had "nailed" key parts of the Feb. 10 article, according to Mr. Keller, editors specifically asked him "to talk to places in government that had been skeptical of W.M.D.," such as the State Department. Still, editors didn’t make sure all conflicting views were always clearly reported. For example, the article on Mr. Bush’s news conference pointed out that the position of the president — and the similar position taken earlier in the week by the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff — differed from the suggestion at the Sunday Baghdad briefing that the weapons effort involved top levels of the Iranian government. That story also should have noted, however, that the president’s view on this point differed from the intelligence assessment given readers of the Feb. 10 article.
The column is significant in that Calame and the NYT are listening to readers (and possibly, as Greenwald posits, the blogs) in reviewing national security reporting. There is ample evidence in this column that Calame and editors at the NYT did learn a lesson from the Judy Miller/Michael Gordon reporting fiascos of 2002 and 2003.
I'm not sure that Gordon has indeed learned the lesson of skepticism, or that he lets skepticism outweigh his own political biases. As Greenwald points out, Gordon has already faced very public criticism for advancing his political views in his role as a reporter/commentator:
In fact, this is the second time in less than a month that Gordon has been expressly criticized in the pages of the NYT, having been chided in late January by his own editor when he "stepped over the line" and "went too far" by going on The Charlie Rose Show and expressly advocating President Bush's "surge" plan. Gordon clearly has a pro-war, pro-neoconservative agenda which engenders serial journalistic sins (and that is the case despite his having authored a book which, as many neoconservatives have done, criticizes the administration's handling of the war). There is a reason why Iran-obsessed warmonger Michael Ledeen -- Michael Ledeen -- recently called Gordon "one of our best journalists."
That Michael Gordon continues in the national security beat given his involvement in the Iraq WMD reporting is problematic, but as Big Tent Dem points out, he has the sources and the background knowledge to effectively cover the beat. But as BTD stresses, his editors need to keep him on a short leash, a much shorter leash than his editors have allowed. That the public editor of the NYT is stressing this is indeed good news. Even better, he's responding to readers' concerns. So keep those e-mails flowing, folks.