The administration of George W. Bush has pursued an agenda and engaged in a governance style that breaks radically from any previous administration. Some of the characteristics of what I’m calling Bush Authoritarianism are variants of previous ideological beliefs or forms of governance. Many others are the realization of decades of marketing and propaganda by the interlinked network of rightwing donors, foundations, think tanks, marketing and media operations, opinion leaders, political operatives, and allies within the Republican party.
One of the main hallmarks of Bush Authoritarianism is a variant of privatization, in which public goods or services supplied directly by government employees are "outsourced" to a private company, which takes tax dollars, but over which the government has much less control than public employees performing the same task. Privatization has been happening at all levels of government for a couple of decades. In some cases it’s warranted and in the best interests of citizens and taxpayers. But often, privatization results in inferior good or services, higher costs to taxpayers, and diminished accountability to the government and the public.
An extreme version of privatization has accelerated during the Bush administration: the privatization of warfare. Privatizing war is at the cutting edge of Bush Authoritarianism, and Blackwater, whose business practices and niche I discussed last week, is an archetypal "winner" in the new authoritarian system emerging under the Bush administration. Blackwater is not the only example, however; it is simply one of the more public and extreme examples of Bush’s base of support and the recipients of his governance, which transfers public moneys previously spent on government employees to perform government services, to private entities over which the government can exercise much less authority and accountability.
Blackwater CEO Erik Prince is a product of the world of ultra-conservative donors who’ve funded the vast right wing conspiracy. His father, auto parts mogul Edgar Prince, was one of the largest funders of the right wing movement. Notably, he was an original funder of James Dobson’s Family Research Council, and the younger Prince counts such major rightwing Christian operatives as Chuck Colson and Gary Bauer as close friends.
Another major emphasis in Bush Authoritarianism is political and financial support from, and governmental support to the owners and investors in private enterprises that produce little in the way of concrete goods and provide little or no support to their employees (such as health insurance, pensions, or even the payment of payroll taxes). Some of the key industries for support to George W. Bush and the GOP have been the "extractive" industries (such as oil, coal and timber), industries significantly affected by government regulation (such as freight rail) and low-wage industries that are often hostile to unionization (such as fast food, retail, nursing homes and unskilled construction).
In many ways, the Alticor corporation is the private sector counterpart to Blackwater as a producer and a beneficiary of the authoritarianism of the Bush administration. Like Blackwater, Alticor—best known by one of it’s primary subsidiaries, Amway—provides little support and maintains few ties to the contractors who make it money. Its founders and the heirs to the fortune it created are ultra-conservatives who’ve been among the most important funders to the right wing ideological and political network. The company and the foundations created by the recipients of its profits are based in West Michigan. It is highly controversial and has had numerous legal problems. And beyond the various affinities of ideology, politics and business operations, Alticor and Blackwater are directly related by marriage: Alticor/Amway heir Dick DeVos is married to the former Betsy Prince, older sister to Blackwater CEO Erik Prince.