Mothers of the Movement
A Review by Chitown Kev
The Three Mothers: How the Mothers of Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, and James Baldwin Shaped a Nation
by Anna Malaika Tubbs.
Flatiron Books, 272 pp., $28.99
Anna Malaika Tubbs admits, in the Introduction to The Three Mothers: How the Mothers of Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, and James Baldwin Shaped a Nation, that her book’s overall theme is not only about the substantial biographies of the mothers of the three Black civil rights activists, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, and James Baldwin, but also about honoring “Black motherhood as a whole” celebrating “knowledge passed from generation to generation through the bodies and teachings of black women.” At that point, one might be resigned to relegate the text as another book of Black feminist history and theory (texts which certainly need to read!) that is superficially propped up by the barest of biographical sketches of the mothers of three icons of the Black Civil Rights movement of the 1960’s. Instead, The Three Mothers really is a substantial tribute to the lives of Alberta King, Louise Little, and Berdis Baldwin, as well.
Sequentially and topically arranged according to the lifespans of the three women specifically and of black women in certain social contexts, what becomes evident early in The Three Mothers is the specificity with which Berdis Baldwin, Louise Little, and Alberta King bequeathed very distinct legacies to their children, including their eventually famous sons, that are easily recognizable. For example, I have read, I would guess, about 98-99% of the work that James Baldwin published in his lifetime and I never would have guessed that Berdis Baldwin was a poet and writer in her own right. Ms. Tubbs describes Mrs. Baldwin’s early life in a historic Black church in Deal Island, Maryland with Mrs. Baldwin “developing a love of writing and poetry” and performing “her pieces in front of her family members.” My own assumption, based on multiple close readings of James Baldwin’s work and a couple of James Baldwin biographies, was that while Berdis Baldwin was a necessary rock and emotional support for Baldwin while Baldwin’s stepfather and some of his teachers (mostly white teachers but also including the Harlem Renaissance poet Countee Cullen) were the primary contributors to Baldwin’s love of reading and writing and his distinctive use of language that eventually blossomed into Baldwin becoming one of the great writers of the 20th century. Berdis Baldwin certainly was more of a literary muse to and for her son than previously thought.
Alberta King and Louise Little, the mothers of Dr. Martin Luther King and Malcolm X, respectively, also bequeathed very specific legacies to their children, generally, and their famous sons specifically. Atlanta’s Ebenezer Baptist Church was where Alberta King’s father, Adam Daniel Williams, became head pastor in 1894. Alberta’s parents, Adam and Jennie Celeste, supplied her with a fairly comfortable background, economically, where Alberta “had access to resources, education, and a budding congregation.” Martin Luther King, Sr. (originally named Michael, just as his son was originally named) did not have the resources or the education of his future wife (in fact, he was considered to be “illiterate” for a time) and Alberta’s parents, in fact, prioritized her career over marriage (even after Alberta and Martin, Sr. were engaged, Alberta is quoted as telling her future husband, that, “You’re not an educated man, King, not yet. You’ve got work to do and you’ve got to get started.”). In other words, the pulpit of Ebenezer Baptist Church was, if anything, a specific legacy handed down to Dr. King by his mother and her parents. Prior to reading The Three Mothers, I would have never seen it that way.
While it was known that Louise Little was an active part of the Garveyite movement along with her husband, Earl (Louise and Earl met at a UNIA meeting in Montreal) Mrs. Little, thanks in part to her multilingual background as a native Grenada, “developed a love of words” to such an extent that she not only spoke five languages (according to her granddaughter) but was able to pass on to her son, Malcolm, a love of language that long pre-dated his prison term (an impression that The Autobiography of Malcolm X sorta makes).
Because of the dearth of actual documented sources of the lives of the three women, Ms. Tubbs supplements the social contexts in which the three women were born and raised and lived with the biographical details and then attempts to imagine them in those social contexts. So that, for example, it’s easy to imagine why Berdis Baldwin may have wanted to move to New York City and Harlem in the early 1920’s or how, based on her Grenadian ancestry, Louise Little developed a love of language and an attraction to Garvey-ism. At times in The Three Mothers, theory and social context does not altogether meld with biography and results in relatively short stretches of feeling as if one were reading a sociology text as opposed to a set of biographies. However, such detail is also necessary to demonstrate both how similar the experiences of Alberta King, Louise Little, and Berdis Baldwin were (and are) to black women as a whole and also how different and unique their experiences were and are (Black communities and Black people have always been very diverse!).
Ultimately, Ms. Tubbs project in writing The Three Mothers is risky and, at times, a bit messy, but is successful in both documenting and imagining the lives of these three specific Black women and Black womanhood as a whole.
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NEWS ROUND UP BY DOPPER0189, BLACK KOS MANAGING EDITOR
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Los Angeles County plans to return prime beachfront property to descendants of a Black couple who built a seaside resort for African Americans but suffered racist harassment and were stripped of it by local city leaders a century ago, a county official said Friday.
“It is the county’s intention to return this property,” Janice Hahn, a member of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors, told a news conference at what was known as Bruce’s Beach in the city of Manhattan Beach.
The decision in Los Angeles County, the nation’s most populous, comes at a time of national reckoning on race and discussions at the local, state and federal levels over reparations.
It comes after multiple property transfers over the decades. Today, a county lifeguard training headquarters building sits on the property along some of the most coveted coastline in Southern California.
The property encompasses two parcels purchased in 1912 by Willa and Charles Bruce, who built the first West Coast resort for Black people at a time when segregation barred them from many beaches. They built a lodge, café, dance hall and dressing tents with bathing suits for rent. Initially it was known as Bruce’s Lodge.
“Bruce’s Beach became a place where Black families traveled from far and wide to be able to enjoy the simple pleasure of a day at the beach,” Hahn said.
It did not last long.
The Bruces and their customers were harassed by white neighbors and the Ku Klux Klan attempted to burn it down. The Manhattan Beach City Council finally used eminent domain to take the land away from the Bruces in the 1920s, purportedly for use as a park.
“The Bruces had their California dream stolen from them,” Hahn said. “And this was an injustice inflicted not just upon Willa and Charles Bruce but generations of their descendants who almost certainly would have been millionaires if they had been able to keep this property and their successful business.”
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Ordinarily, the death of a 99-year-old man wouldn’t raise much suspicion. But because Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh, isn’t your typical long-lived man, his death on April 9 provides a window into the recent woes of the British royal family — and the media’s fixation on its contentious relationship with Meghan Markle.
Prince Philip was hospitalized for a full month in February, reportedly for treatment of a preexisting heart condition. As he was nearing his 100th birthday, his death is hardly a surprise. According to the royal family’s official statement, His Highness “passed away peacefully this morning at Windsor Castle.”
It didn’t take long, however, for anticipation to spread throughout social media that the press would find a more disruptive cause for Prince Philip’s death than illness or old age. Amid the many memes that began circulating online once the news broke, a prominent theme emerged: British media placing the blame on Meghan Markle.
Markle has spent the last year mired in controversy, first for formally resigning her royal duties along with her husband Prince Harry and second for a March 7 interview with Oprah Winfrey in which the couple spoke out against the family’s treatment of her. Among the most shocking revelations to come out of that interview were the couple’s statements that the family had professed “concerns” over the color of their unborn child’s skin, had refused to provide the couple with a security detail in violation of protocol, and had refused to help Markle seek treatment after she became suicidal — in part due to a barrage of racist harassment from the press.
It’s no secret that the British media, particularly tabloid journalism, has lost little love for Markle since she became the latest member of the royal family. From the moment she began dating Prince Harry in 2016, Markle has faced racist and sexist backlash, criticizing everything from her perceived unlikability to her “exotic DNA.”
And in the aftermath of the Oprah interview, Piers Morgan, in particular, has led the charge of many British journalists in accusing Markle of, essentially, lying about everything — pushing an unsubstantiated idea of “fakery” that led to him walking off and ultimately quitting his news show Good Morning Britain. Hence the nearly immediate assumption that the British press would find a way to shift the focus off Prince Philip and onto Markle.
Sometimes the predictions that a narrative around “Meghan and Harry’s Oprah interview contributing to Prince Philip’s untimely death” were uncanny in how they bore out.
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The Caribbean island of St Vincent has been rocked by a string of explosive eruptions at La Soufrière volcano, which spewed clouds of ash miles into the air a day and forced thousands to flee for safety.
A map showing the location of the La Soufrière volcano on St Vincent, an island in the Caribbean.
The country’s National Emergency Management Organisation (Nemo) confirmed on Twitter that the 4,049-foot volcano had erupted on Friday morning and warned residents to leave the surrounding areas.
Pictures shared on social media showed towering plumes of gas and volcanic matter billowing into the sky above the volcano, and heavy ash fall was reported in the surrounding areas.
“The majesty that is La Soufrière is awake in all her terrifying glory,” tweeted Heidi Badenock, a lawyer on the island.
Nemo said that the ash plume from the first eruption reached 20,000ft and was drifting eastwards into the Atlantic Ocean.
Two more explosive eruptions on Friday afternoon spewed more clouds of ash and dust into the air.
The eruption occurred a day after a red alert was declared. Photograph: UWI Seismic Research Centre
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Ana Maria Nogueira adds one bacon-flavoured seasoning cube to the pot of rice simmering on the stove.
In the wooden shack that she and her husband, Eraldo, who is disabled, call home in Jardim Keralux, a poor neighbourhood in Sao Paulo’s sprawling eastern zone, the coronavirus that has killed more than 351,000 Brazilians seems like a faraway problem.
The couple has more pressing priorities. “This year, we’re going hungry,” Ana, 56, told Al Jazeera.
As Brazil’s COVID-19 crisis gets worse by the week with record-high death tolls, packed hospitals and climbing caseloads, another crisis is unfolding: hunger and food insecurity.
Ana and Eraldo are two of 19 million Brazilians to have gone hungry during the pandemic, according to a new study, while nearly 117 million – more than half the population – live with some level of food insecurity.
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Brazil was taken off of the United Nation’s world hunger map in 2014 after years of concerted effort to reduce hunger through successful social programmes and public policies.
The country’s then-President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, who now appears to be making a political comeback, famously said at his 2003 swearing-in ceremony that, “as long as there is a Brazilian brother or sister going hungry we will have reason to be ashamed”.
But in 2015, recession and political crisis struck. Austerity measures were introduced and unemployment soared. Three years later, before presidential elections that far-right populist firebrand Jair Bolsonaro would go on to win, extreme poverty and hunger were already raising alarms.
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