Filtered negative image, from photo taken at one of several costume galas held by the Institute for Sexual Science, Berlin. From 1919 to 1933 the Institute provided health services, psychotherapy, marriage counseling, informational outreach, community connections, and in some cases, short- or long-term lodging to persons of all genders and sexualities. Undated. (Filtering, Clio2)
all ignorance toboggans into know
and trudges up to ignorance again:
--e.e. cummings
History never travels in straight lines. It's a long arc, as the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King famously said. And anything but smooth.
At times, it seems like history is folding back on itself.
Tonight's installment of LGBTQAI+ Literature isn't just a review. It's as much a set of reflections cast by last month's Part I.
I will tell you straight up, this is another tough read, and was a tough one to write, more than expected. Take breaks if you need to, blow it off if you need to, I won't be offended, it's something I promised and all I have to offer just now. With utmost respect.
So if you're still here, we're again discussing
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The Intermediaries: A Weimar Story, by Brandy Schillace. W W. Norton and Co., 2025
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If you didn't happen to see that earlier column, no worries; what follows should stand on its own.
(But if you'd like to look back, it's here.)
In brief, The Intermediaries tells the story of Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld and the LGBTQ-supporting scientific and activist community he established in Berlin, which flourished until the Nazis destroyed it in 1933.
He and his associates succeeded remarkably in advancing scientific understanding around sex and gender; educating segments of the general public; making life better for many gay people; and helping trans individuals--including, in some cases, through gender-affirming surgeries. Activists including Hirschfeld got tantalizingly close to persuading lawmakers to legalize gay sex between consenting adults; only for the Nazi onslaught to bring everything down.
Tragedies followed: deaths, imprisonments, returns to the closet, destruction en masse of books and scientific notes. Hirschfeld himself died in exile, too soon.
Yet The Intermediaries also tells of escapes, survival against the odds, documents smuggled to safety, ideas seeded abroad. So that by the 1950s, a process began--in the U.S.--of picking up the interrupted threads.
Besides its excellent writing and narrative drive, the scholarly apparatus in The Intermediaries allows a reader easily to look back in the text, separate specific threads and rethink from various perspectives.
In Part 1 last month I was emphasizing what was accomplished by Hirschfeld and what survived.
Other angles come easily to mind. Commonalities stand out between our situation today and the Nazi takeover that ended Germany's liberal Weimar Republic. We are even dealing with actual neo-Nazis! Is the same arc fated? What are the similarities and differences?
Questioning, I employed The Intermediaries' timeline, thumbnail biographies, glossary, index and footnotes to thread back and forth.
The bibliography clued me in to another eye-opening and helpful volume, Gay Berlin: Birthplace of Modern Identity by Robert Beachy (Knopf, 2014). The Berlin of Christopher Isherwood. Of Cabaret (more the musical than the film). In what follows, I've also drawn on Beachy here and here. Plus, my own viewpoint's partly folded in.
So, in this installment I wanted to try a sort of social mapping and see if that might have any lessons in it. Here goes.
...
What today we would call LGBTQ+ activism in Germany started very modestly: with one person.
Karl Ulrichs
He began way back in the 1860s, before Germany was even a unified nation.
Ulrichs, a lawyer, had given deep thought and study to the subject of homosexuality -- and lost a government career over his sexual orientation.
Ulrich began to publish his perspective, the first public voice representing Germany's mostly closeted gay male community. He described gay men as a supressed minority within the population, born with a "female soul."
In 1867 Ulrich dared to give the first public speech ever, defending homosexuality as an inborn quality, not a choice. This was at a major conference of jurists assembled from all over the loosely organized German Confederacy.
To quote Schillace:
He spoke of the rights of homosexuals, their citizenship, and of how many had been shamed into suicide.
In the process, Ulrichs even deliberately outed himself. But his hopes were vain.
The room erupted in shouts and hisses. "Crucify him!" the audience cried.
He had to leave without finishing that speech.
Four years later the nation unified under an emperor. Jurists set about developing a uniform code of justice. Much of the new criminal code simply was lifted from Prussian law.
Ulrichs campaigned against national adoption of Paragraph 175, Prussia's stringent ban on "sodomy." Parts of Germany had been less judgmental about homosexual relations between consenting adults. Bavaria especially had served as a haven.
Ulrichs lost this fight when Bavaria too signed onto Section 175. He moved away to another haven, Italy, and there, age 73, he died.
But a spark had caught. Just two years after Ulrichs' death, and greatly influenced by his writings, Magnus Hirschfeld formed the Scientific Humanitarian Committee (SHC), aiming to get Paragraph 175 repealed.
This was -- think of it -- 1897, seventeen years before the first World War! The SHC would go on to serve as an activist hub for some 35 years.
The gay community, including the SHC, had its divisions. Some of these might seem paralleled in U.S. history. Others not so much.
The masculinists
Hirschfeld had a real knack for bringing people together. He wanted the SHC to be as broad a coalition as possible. This meant including figures we might abhor.
Adolf Brand, among others, represented a subset of gay men who detested everything they associated with women or femininity.
These men pictured themselves as avatars of an ancient Greek ethos, in which two warriors might bond for life, or a mature man form a relationship with a youth, becoming both lover and mentor. Brand dismissed women as negligible beings, only of use for birthing children.
He also edited a journal, Der Eigene, which pushed a gospel of extreme individualism, drawing on Nietsche and very much prefiguring Ayn Rand.
Strategically, Brand believed that the legislature could be convinced to repeal Paragraph 175 if sufficient well-respected men in high places were to to out themselves en masse. Some did; but most of even his fellow masculinists disagreed with the tactic and nothing came of it.
Hirschfeld disagreed with Brand's male-supremacist ethos, but reached out to anyone who might contribute to his initial DHS project. This was a petition for repeal of Paragraph 175; Hirschfeld and his associates hoped to gather so many signatures from respected and influential persons that the national legislature would rethink the law.
Brand and his associates eventually quit the HSC over the committee's inclusion of women.
Their ideology aligned with a persistent masculinist theme in German society: militarism under the Kaiser; between the wars, a proliferation of boys' clubs, promoting single-sex recreation and physical fitness; finally, Nazi propaganda.
Highly performative maculinity did not protect this group. Hitler tolerated a gay male enclave within the Nazi party for only as long as he had a need, then disposed of them. By that time, Brand had already lost his audience and gone silent; he survived till an Allied bomb found him, in the last year of WWII.
The feminists
Like the U.S. and England, Germany had a substantial women's movement leading into the 20th century.
Women were joining the SHC by 1901. These included lesbians. Hirschfeld "saw women as critical allies in the fight for homosexual emancipation and the rights of sexual and gender nonconforming people as human beings..." Schillace writes. They were among the most effective members.
Notably Helene Stöcker -- a co-founder of the feminist League for the Protection of Mothers and Sexual Reform -- became a member of the SHC board of directors. She and Hirschfeld joined forces, campaigning together for homosexual rights and female reproductive self-determination, including birth control and abortion.
Lesbian relationships, initially ignored by Paragraph 175, had been prohibited before in only one German province -- Austria. As feminists feared, by 1909 a proposal was placed before the national legislature to extend Paragraph 175 over lesbians as well. It was averted.
With formation of the Weimar Republic after WWI, German women gained the vote. Issues remained including the quest for reproductive self-determination and no-fault divorce.
At the time there seems to have been little or no public discussion about whether trans women ought to count as women; they simply lived as such. Hirschfeld also assisted a few trans men to transition.
Women were prominent in an international movement for sexual reform on all fronts, which started in Germany and was destined to seed a legacy elsewhere.
Yhe Nazi party -- formed in 1920 -- framed feminists as "conspiring with homosexuals and Jews against German men."
Hirschfeld was Jewish as well as a campaigner for both gay rights and women's rights: trifecta. Hitler demonized Hirschfeld from the start. He literally was labeled "public enemy number one."
Not long into Hitler's start, a Nazi-inspired mob attacked with fireworks a meeting where Hirschfeld was to speak. Hirschfeld was then followed to another city by the same group and ambushed in the street, sustaining a skull fracture.
Non-activists
Not everyone, of course, was politically active. Some thought elite connections kept them safe. Others were fully consumed in just surviving. And politics was, for the most part, a pursuit for bourgeois and professional classes.
Pilot fish
A metaphor (responsibility for this one is mine): "Pilot fish" are a species known for living in the shadow of a much larger creature such as a shark. These fish benefit their companion by removing external parasites. In turn the pilot fish are tolerated and indirectly receive protection from other predators.
Kaiser Wilhelm II was a very big fish. He ruled Germany from 1888 until establishment of the Weimar Republic after WWI.
Among the Kaiser's courtiers, friends and advisers were a number of gay men. With a little discretion, and in the privacy available to the upper class, surely they ran no risk of trouble over their sexuality.
Until they did.
First to fall was Friedrich Alfred Krupp, wealthy scion and executive of the armaments firm. Krupp became a target because of liaisons with underage boys.
A police inspector, who made it his business to surveil the gay population, included Krupp's name in a set of index cards he forwarded to the Kaiser. Wilhelm destroyed the cards unread.
Then an indiscretion led to Krupp's ejection from otherwise liberal Italy. People talked. A blackmail letter reached Krupp's wife, who turned to the Kaiser himself for help.
Schillace:
"...Wilhelm did not suddenly agitate for homosexual freedom. Instead he destroyed the blackmail letter and arranged for four psychiatrists to have Margarethe briefly committeed to an asylum for the insane...."
This failed to quash the Krupp story. A newspaper reporter then named Krupp in print as a pederast.
Krupp, afraid to sue for libel, took his own life.
It was just a prequel.
The next round starting in 1907, proved yet more serious. Embroiled in the scandal this time were the Kaiser's chief confidant, Philip, Prince of Eulenberg; Lieutenant General Kuno von Moltke, commandant of Berlin and another close friend of Eulenberg; Raymond Lecomte, the French ambassador in Germany, often socializing with Eulenberg and appearing the virtual stereotype of "effeminate gay"; and the chancellor of the Reich, Franz Josef von Bülow.
This in-group was already much resented as having formed an insulating bubble around the Kaiser. The scandal's fallout threatened to compromise Wilhelm himself.
In a time of sensitive negotiations, suspicion was raised that secret information had been leaked to the Frenchman by Eulenberg, or possibly even Wilhelm himself.
The fuse was lit by the selfsame reporter as before. Schillace again:
[Journalist Maximilian] Harden claimed that he wasn't against homosexuals...only that they shouldn't be in positions of power where they could undermine the masculine character of the country. Harden....Homosexuals, he claimed, were a 'pink' international group...united...'in a brotherhood of protection and defense'....
Foreshadowing our McCarthy era, Harden framed this alleged gay cabal as an inherent danger to national security. He compared gays to Communists -- and alluded to conspiracy thinking about Jews as well.
Harden claimed actual treason on the part of Eulenberg.
There followed a long-running, eye-crossing, often ironic series of lawsuits that entrained even more people, including masculinist Adolf Brand.
Harden would lose the libel case but win the high-profile public relations battle.
Von Moltke, without a scrap of evidence for any homosexual behavior, would find himself an adjudicated homosexual -- ironically, due to some well-meaning testimony by Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld.
Eulenberg would be convicted of perjury. Brand was sentenced to 18 months in prison.
Beyond that, in Schillaces's words,
...the aristocracy came under fire....accused...of being...unmanly and unfit for office. What had begun as an inconsequential libel case now threatened the Kaiser's own masculinity...[H]e enacted a purge of state....He is also rumored to have suffered a nervous breakdown.
One survey in the early 1920s counted 12,000 gay men in Germany who were Nazis or adhered to other right-wing parties.
The fate of Ernst Röhm as a pilot fish in Hitler's inner circle is all too well known. The so-called "Night of the Long Knives" (June 30-July 2, 1934) comprised a still-unknown number of extrajudicial executions, including the entire leadership of the Storm Troopers, headed by long-time Hitler loyalist Röhm. Hitler claimed a conspiracy against himself, and his real motives were probably mixed; but he explicitly cited Röhm's homosexuality.
"The life which the [SA] Chief of Staff and a circle around him began to lead was intolerable from any National Socialist viewpoint," Hitler stated.
The survivalists
Dodging the radar as well as they could is where you would likely have found most gay German men. Their situation: much like that in the U.S. before decriminalization.
In one sense, avoiding trouble was fairly easy: Paragraph 175 had been narrowly written, and proof of a crime had to be direct.
A remarkably free press allowed for plenty of information sharing. Gay and lesbian-oriented publications were openly sold on newsstands, for example.
On the other hand, an arrest was possible for less-than-criminal behavior, if it even in theory could have scandalized even one member of the general public. Cross-dressing in public was also illegal. For the respectable, blackmail remained a threat.
Beachy's Gay Berlin describes the kind of semi-clandestine gay meeting places frequented by ordinary people, from tiny working-class dive bars to elaborate ballrooms where straight people dropped in to gawp. Any might be raided by the police, but some parts of the city saw less harassment, and certain establishments might be amost exempt.
In the ever-worsening economic decline after WWI, out-of-work young men, gay or straight, in increasing numbers -- despite the risks -- rented themselves out to gay customers, or at least tried.
Hirschfeld himself might resort to manipulating the law, when it could be managed.
Describing trans women and men as invisibly intersex, for example, could gain them a life-saving license to "cross-dress." Court testimony that an arrested gay man was suffering from mental illness might spare him a prison sentence, though the tactic risked conflating homosexuality itself with mental illness -- the position of, among others, Hirschfeld's contemporary Sigmund Freud.
The shifty allies
In the 1920s what seemed like one and then another chance arose to persuade the legislature into ditching Paragraph 175.
At the same time, the organizational scene got a lot more complicated.
Kurt Hiller, a young lawyer in the HSC, more interested in justice than in science, proposed that all homosexual organizations should join up and form an Action Committee. He included SHC, the Friendship Society -- a more generally liberal and pacifist group -- and once again, the masculinist Brand. Hiller wanted to fight for Jewish rights along those of both gays and women. For a while he held it together. In the event, however, Hiller ended up pushing Hirschfeld out of his own HSC.
Several other groups, including women's organizations, combined to create a Cartel for the Reform of the Sexual Penal Code, seeking broad reforms in women's rights as well as rights for homosexuals.
A political publisher, Friedrich Radzuzweit, formed the League for Human Rights. He created a very broad mainstream coalition, but that very fact made it difficult for the members to work together; and he sidelined women, thinking little of their abilities. Radzuzweit's group also distinguished between "respectable" gays deserving legal protection, and the un-respectable: rent boys, trans people, effeminate gays, and those who failed to measure up to the gender binary. Hirschfeld strongly objected to this distinction; Hiller, not so much.
In 1921, the Action Committee leaped into action, responding to a draft revision of Paragraph 175. They impressed the Minister of Justice with an all-day presentation at the HSC and were optimistic. But before the legislators could vote, the justice minister retired. The legislature turned about and made the paragraph more stringent.
In 1929, activists were optimistic once again. An advisory committee recommended repealing the hated paragraph; but did so in such a way that Hirschfeld's hopes were dashed -- recommending a crackdown on sex under 21 and outlawing, in very broad language, any exchange of "money or influence."
In any case, it was too late. The nations was in turmoil, the economy desperate; legislature never voted on the recommendations.
When Hitler came to power he tightened Paragraph 175 still farther. And instead of a prison sentence, gay men were sent to the camps; and lesbians, if detected, were forced into bearing children "for the Reich."
It's a terrible place to end the story; but remember, please, there were still survivors; and the legacy of these activists has carried on. So that in spite of everything, in spite of very legitimate apprehensions, we are still in a better place at the moment than Germany in the Great Depression.
I have a lot of thoughts about the patterns revealed by this history, the ones that seem to match the present or recent past, the ones the don't, the lessons we might take.
But at the moment, I'm exhausted and probably, so are you.
To the chase:
…
Is history folding back upon itself?
The poet William Yeats thought it always would.
Another Troy must rise and set,
Another lineage feed the crow,
Another Argo's painted prow
Drive to a flashier bauble yet...
.
--"Two Songs From a Play," 1928
But is that true?
I don't think so.
Because we are not where we were, and the world is not where it was, before all of that happened.
You can never step into the same river twice.
--Heraclitus of Ephesus (fragment), ca. 500 B.C.
Moreover, I do not, will not, believe that any of the many losses, and tragedies along the way, were utterly in vain.
So, in memoriam:
Nor is the earth the less, nor loseth aught,
For whatsoever from one place doth fall
Is with the tide unto another brought,
And there is nothing lost but may be found....if sought.
--Edmund Spencer, The Faery Queen, Book V, 1596
And from from Congresswoman Shontel Brown (D-OH), in closing, a final thought:
The arc of the moral universe will bend toward justice—but only if we pull it.
…
Footnote: I still haven't really done justice to this very compelling volume, so dense with fact and feeling. For instance, I've almost completely neglected the science and philosophical issues twined into the human lives and political struggles.
The Intermediaries has now collected three different literary awards and recognitions (I think, last count). Simultaneously, the author reports getting death threats.
Par for the era. :-/
If you're inclined to follow up, in lieu of Amazon you could try online the Literate Lizard (DK's DebtorsPrison) or Bookshop.org, which supports independent bookstores.
I guess we could think about whether it's worth doing an open thread next time, for further discussion of this...or something else.