TABOR, passed after several failed attempt by voters in 1992, has long been the poster-boy for the shrink the government anti-tax crusaders in the state. It requires that any new tax or change that results in new tax revenue go to the voters to be "De-Bruced." That term comes from the main proponent of TABOR, Douglas Bruce, who is more recently known for his erratic behavioras a legislator and a conviction for tax fraud. Taxpayers have usually voted against tax increases since TABOR passed.
But this year, in both a statewide vote and on numerous local ballots, Colorado voted to get out from TABOR limits and to fund new transit, new schools, and new public infrastructure.
In two closely watched races from opposite sides of the state, conservatives lost hotly contested school-board races. From deep in the red of the Western Slope in Mesa County, where the teacher union backed and progressive candidates defeated the more conservative contenders. To suburban Jefferson County, perhaps among the state s most fought-over swing districts, where a recall dumped three ultra-conservative members out of office.
Those members came to power as a bloc in the last election, then quickly began to institute what their supporters called "reforms," such as threatening to rewrite the AP American History curriculum to be more "patriotic."
Finally, in a decisive rebuke of the legislature, voters across the state overwhelmingly approved from blue suburbs to dark red ruralcounties over-rides of the state law that blocked localities from developing, or leveraging monies to develop, broadband that left much of the state under-served, if available at all.
The margins were not even close, regarding one set of races, the Grand Junction Sentinel reported:
The closest vote was in Delta, where 71 percent supported the measure versus 29 percent opposing it. Votes in the other cities weren't that close. Delta County also approved the telecom measure, in addition to the municipalities.
The national pundits, meanwhile, are basing their claims of resounding conservative victory on races like the troubling setback of equality rights in Texas, the election of Republican governors in Kentucky and Mississippi, and the
marijuana vote in Ohio.
Yes, the Houston vote is a blow for human and civil rights and for anyone that champions those values including progressives.
And the election of soon-to-be Governor Bevin in Kentucky is especially worrisome given the possibility that many poor Kentuckians are about to lose their health coverage, even as new studies show many of these people are the Americans most at riskfrom preventable deaths.
But looking forward to a Presidential election in 2016 few expect Kentucky, or Mississippi, or Texas to end up in the blue column.
Colorado, on the other hand, is a swing state. While it went decisively for Obama in 2008 and 2012, in non-Presidential elections, with lower turnout, it often returns Republicans to power as happened in 2010 and again in 2014.
In 2010 Gov. Hickenlooper won against a very weak Republican and a third party spoiler, but Republicans did well in other statewide, and in Congressional and Legislative races.
In 2014 Sen Cory Gardner defeated incumbent Democratic Senator Mark Udall, while the State Senate changed over to Republican control, once again splitting the chambers of the Legislature.
In 2015, however, that trend may have reversed. Colorado's more progressive forces seem to have won the day overall, even with low turn out that has traditionally favored conservatives.
Even in reddest parts of the state voters rejected extremist candidates, supported higher taxes, and even approved local marijuana sales where they rejected them just a few years before.
And to Republican prognosticators peering at the TEA leaves, the trends in a state like Colorado should bring more concern looking toward 2016 than any reassurances they may glean from an ugly, bigoted win in Houston or the governor's mansion in Mississippi.
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