As former special envoy to Ukraine Kurt Volker was being deposed behind closed doors on Thursday, Rudy Giuliani chose that moment to release a series of text messages, which seemed to imply that Volker had been directing his actions in Ukraine, and that everything they had done was conducted with the full and enthusiastic support of the Ukrainian government. That impression was bolstered by Republicans like Rep. Jim Jordan who emerged from the session with Volker claiming that nothing the part-time State Department official, full-time arms lobbyist had said supported the need for an impeachment inquiry.
But both Giuliani’s tweets and Jordan’s statements hugely misrepresented the actual content of the meeting and the context of the released messages. So on Thursday evening, the chairmen of the Foreign Affairs, House Intelligence, and Oversight committees wrote a joint statement, expressing their concern over Trump’s outreach to both Ukraine and China, and seeking to correct the impression generated by selective text messages issued out of order.
So instead Eliot Engel, Adam Schiff, and Elijah Cummings came together and released a whole raft of messages that flew back and forth among Trump’s diplomatic team, in order and with context. What those messages said is that it’s not surprising that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky mentioned Giuliani during his conversation with Donald Trump, and it’s certainly not surprising that Zelensky seemed unfazed by the request that he look into the actions of Joe Biden. Because Trump’s team had been hounding Zelensky to launch investigations into Biden’s nonexistent crimes, and into the mythical relationship between Ukraine and events in the 2016 election.
And those officials made it very, very clear that Ukraine was getting nothing until President Zelensky made a public announcement that he was doing what Trump wanted. On July 19, six days before Trump’s phone call, Volker exchanged a series of texts with Trump’s ambassador to the European Union, Gordon Sondland. And it’s clear that well before that point, everyone involved knew that nothing was going to happen until Zelensky gave him what he wanted.
Volker: Most important is for Zelensky to say he will help investigation—and address any specific personal issues—if there are any.
On July 19, Volker and Sondland were prepping for Trump to call Zelensky.
Sondland: Looks like POTUS call tomorrow. I spoke directly to Zelensky and gave him a full briefing. He’s got it.
Volker: Good. Had breakfast with Rudy this morning. Teeing up call with [Zelensky’s aide] Yermak Monday. Must have helped. Most important is for Zelensky to say he will help investigation—and address any specific personal issues—if there are any.
The call didn’t happen that day, and two days later an exchange between Sondland and U. S. Charge d’Affaires William Taylor made it clear that Zelensky understood exactly what Trump was asking of him.
Taylor: … President Zelensky is sensitive about Ukraine being taken seriously, not merely as an instrument in Washington, reelection politics.
Both Zelensky and all the members of Trump’s team understood exactly what was happening: Trump was requiring Zelensky to proclaim an investigation into Biden and into the 2016 elections if he wanted so much as a phone call, much less assistance. And Zelensky knew that this meant he was being asked to involve himself in Trump’s reelection bid.
The next day, Giuliani spoke with Zelensky’s aide and apparently came to an agreement. Volker reported that they could move ahead, because Giuliani was going to tell Trump to make the call. But just to be sure, Volker also sent a text to Zelensky’s aide just before the call from Trump.
Volker: Heard from White House. Assuming President Z convinces Trump he will investigate / “get to the bottom of what happened in 2016,” we will nail down date for visit to Washington. Good luck.
On August 9, two weeks after the call between Trump and Zelensky, Sondland lets Volker know that Trump is impatient for Zelensky to announce the investigation.
Sonderland: I think POTUS really wants the deliverable.
Volker: But does Yermak know that?
Sonderland: Yep.
Later in the same conversation, Sondland makes it clear that they don’t just want Zelensky to announce an investigation, they want to stage manage the event as if the president of Ukraine is a bit player preparing to make a commercial.
Sondland: To avoid misunderstandings, might be helpful to ask Audrey for a draft statement (embargoed) so that we can see exactly what they propose to cover. Even though Ze does a live presser, they can still summarize in a brief statement.
Later that same day, Volker carries forward on Sondland’s suggestion by contacting Giuliani to make sure they have his approval on what Zelensky should say.
Volker: Hi, Mr Mayor! Had a good chat with Yermak last night. He was pleased with your phone call. Mentioned Z making a statement. Can we all get on the phone to make sure I advise Z correctly as to what he should be saying? We want to make sure we get this done right. Thanks!
Sonderland: Good idea, Kurt. I am on Pacific Time.
Giuliani: Yes, you can call me now.
The next day, Zelensky’s aide, Andrey Yermak, tries to make it clear that Zelensky will make an announcement, but only after it’s clear Trump is going to meet with him.
Yermak: I think it’s possible to make this declaration and mention all those things which we discussed yesterday. But it will be logic to do after we receive a confirmation of date.
But after some back and forth, Volker makes it clear that Trump won’t agree to a date until he’s happy about the proposed statement.
Volker: Let’s iron out statement, and then use that to get date and then Pres Z can go forward with it.
And Yermak finally agrees to give all of Trump’s team what they’ve been wanting—Zelensky will make a statement that he’s opening an investigation into Burisma, the company where Hunter Biden worked, and into all aspects of the 2016 election.
Yermak: Once we have a date, we will call for a press briefing, announcing upcoming visit and outlining visit for reboot of U.S.-Ukraine relationship, including among other things Burisma and election meddling in investigations.
On August 13, Volker and Sondland have what may been the most sickly ironic exchange of the entire scheme—one in which they plan to disrupt the 2020 election, by getting Ukraine to make claims about the 2016 election. Volker provides his script for what Ukrainian President Zelensky should say in the proposed press conference. This is two United States ambassadors putting words into the mouth of a foreign leader for the express purpose of getting him to declare a pair of investigations intended to help Trump in 2020.
Volker: Special attention should be paid to interference in the political processes of the United States, especially with the alleged involvement of some Ukrainian politicians. I want to declare this is unacceptable. We intend to initiate and complete a transparent and unbiased investigation of all available facts and episodes, including those involving Burisma and the 2016 U.S. elections, which in turn will prevent the recurrence of this problem in the future.
Sondland: Perfect.
Over the next two weeks, Sondland and Volker continue to press Yermak to have Zelensky make this statement. For whatever reason—perhaps going back to the initial reason stated, that Zelensky doesn’t want to be Trump’s “instrument” of reelection, the press conference is not announced. On August 28, Yermak forwards a press clipping showing that he is aware that Trump is withholding military aid. Two days after that, Trump cancels his proposed visit with Zelensky.
After this extended period of silence, Charge d’Affaires William Taylor contacts Sondland again on September 1. At this point it is three weeks after the whistleblower complaint has been filed. More importantly, it is five days since the intelligence community inspector general has declared the report “urgent” and acting Director of National Intelligence Joseph Maguire has made the complaint available to the White House and DOJ. It’s clear at this point that Sondland, at least, knows that the jig is up.
Taylor: Are we now saying that security assistance and White House meetings are conditioned on investigations?
Sondland: Call me.
Taylor messages again a week later, expressing the fear from the Ukrainian side that, based on what they’ve already seen, Trump can’t be trusted.
Taylor: The nightmare is they give the interview and don’t get the security assistance. The Russians love it. (and I quit)
The final recorded exchange happens on September 9, after the existence of the whistleblower report is known to Congress and three House committees announce investigations. At this point, Sondland is ridiculously aware that every time he leaves a text, he is speaking into an open mike that history will hear. Meanwhile, Taylor is on the ground in Ukraine, watching the Russians drive back forces in Donbass and witnessing the desperation of the government in Kyiv.
Taylor: The message to the Ukrainians (and Russians) we send with the decision on security assistance is key. With the hold, we have already shaken their faith in us. Thus my nightmare scenario.
[Sondland does not reply]
Taylor: Counting on you to be right about this.
Sondland: Bill, I never said I was “right.” I said we are where we are and believe we have identified the best pathway forward. Let’s hope it works.
Taylor: As I said on the phone, I think it’s crazy to withhold security assistance for help with a political campaign.
Sondland: Bill, I believe you are incorrect about President Trump’s intentions. The president has been crystal clear no quid pro quos of any kind.
Sondland then suggests “we stop going back and forth by text.” And they do.
The level of pressure being applied to Ukraine, the insistence that nothing happens without Trump getting his investigations into Biden and 2016, the utterly improper direction of the whole sequence by Trump’s personal attorney … it’s all there. So is the painful irony of Volker writing a script for the purpose of interfering in the 2020 election … that includes claims about not interfering in the election.
And at the peak of the whole thing, William Taylor speaks for the nation when he expresses his horror at what is happening. “As I said on the phone, I think it’s crazy to withhold security assistance for help with a political campaign.”