In the pre-dawn darkness on Wednesday, just a few hours after the last polls had closed, and as it became obvious that the supposed “red wave” had turned into the great Republican fizzle, The Wall Street Journal published an editorial by Mike Pence—a reminiscence about his final days in the Trump White House.
For an article by someone who has in the past proven to be unfailingly obsequious and reverential toward the man who tried to get him murdered, it’s a remarkably unworshipful account. That’s not to say that this recollection is completely candid. Pence is no more open to accepting any blame for the events of that day, or noting how he and other Republicans made the violence possible, than he has been at any point in the past.
However, there are definitely things that make Pence’s retelling of this story interesting. One is the timing. That 2:49 AM release on Wednesday has to raise questions about whether Pence and the right-wing editorial board at the WSJ has another version—a much more Trump-friendly version—of this story ready to go if election deniers had romped and stomped at the polls. Or maybe some other editorial entirely. If not, then why wait until it was clear that many of the most ardent Trump supporters had failed before letting this run?
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There are clearly three purposes to this article. One, and maybe the most obvious one, is to set Pence up as the hero of Jan. 6. From confronting Trump (and telling off attorney John Eastman) to buttonholing Secret Service agents to fearlessly refusing to leave the Capitol, every moment of this account is Mike Pence: Constitutional Scholar and Action Hero.
The second purpose is to put clear air between Trump and Pence. Despite the many (many) occasions after Jan. 6 in which Pence has enthusiastically supported Trump and practically tried to knee-crawl back into his good graces, such as they are, there’s barely a mention of Trump in this account that doesn’t paint him in a bad light. Trump is too “weary” to wait for 2024. He’s unable to grasp why someone wouldn’t break the law if they can get away with it. He’s bullying. He doesn’t talk to Pence; he “lays into him.” This is a typical statement from Trump to Pence in this account.
“You’re too honest,” he chided. “Hundreds of thousands are gonna hate your guts … People are gonna think you’re stupid.”
This, like almost every other thing that Pence apparently recalls, hits both the first and second goals of the article: Pence is a great guy, and he’s not at all close to Trump. Just forget all the times you saw him introducing Trump as the most wonderful, smartest, and bestest man who ever lived. Because this Trump “chides” Pence, calling him a “wimp” and warning him that he’ll regret not shredding the Constitution when he has the chance.
But it’s the third thing that this article sets out to do that may be the most interesting. While Pence devotes a good deal of time to detailing how he never really liked that Trump guy in the first place, he spends almost as much lauding a set of Republicans that he clearly expects to be his new best friends. Who are they? Jim Jordan, Josh Hawley, and Ted Cruise Cruz.
These three, who may have done more to bend over backward in support of Trump and to encourage the violence on Jan. 6, are the sidekicks to Pence’s hero tale. Jordan leads other congressmen in “a discussion about plans to bring objections.” Pence “supports” that. Hawley announces that he “would co-sponsor election objections brought by representatives.” Pence “welcomes” that. Cruz rises to support the first objection. And Pence is there for it.
Despite spending the entire first part of the article explaining how he fends off Trump, Eastman, and Louie Gohmert (sorry Louie, no one wants you on the team) because they want him to change the results of the electoral votes on Jan. 6, Pence then segues to praising Jordan, Hawley, and Cruz precisely because he wants to have a “substantive debate” about … changing the outcome of the electoral vote.
Pence doesn’t come off as having a fundamental disagreement with Trump’s goals here, certainly not in a way that would upset what he clearly sees as the new core of the party. He comes off as a guy who has quibbles with Trump’s methods and tone. If it were up to Pence, they’d have found a way to fix the election, but with more Jesus.
The timing of this account, and the fact that Pence is reaching out to Jordan, Hawley, and Cruz, shows that he’s still under the illusion that he’s a candidate for 2024—and talking about how Trump was too weary to wait, and having Trump say that 2024 was “so far away,” was a none too subtle reminder that Trump will be a tired old candidate. And Pence wants to build an alliance with the most extreme members of Congress who survived this round of elections.
None of the members of the triumvirate Pence mentions are likely to jump on the Mike train. But it is interesting how many of them are maneuvering for the same thing: how to keep Trump’s base, and ditch Trump.
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Holy crap, what an amazing night! Where do we even begin this week's episode of The Downballot? Well, we know exactly where: abortion. Co-hosts David Nir and David Beard recap Tuesday's extraordinary results, starting with a clear-eyed examination of the issue that animated Democrats as never before—and that pundits got so badly wrong. They also discuss candidate quality (still really important!), Democratic meddling in GOP primaries (good for democracy, actually), and "soft" Biden disapprovers (lots of them voted for Democrats).