Last week, a divided Senate prevented a bipartisan push for the “mother of all sanctions” against Russia for its escalating aggression against Ukraine. The impasse in part was due to Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) demanding sanctions on Nord Stream 2, the Russian gas pipeline. The Biden administration was then in talks with Germany and NATO allies about their response to Russia, and Democrats were siding with the administration, opposing the sanctions pre-invasion because they were concerned about alienating Germany.
So instead of a strong sanctions bill (with or without Nord Stream 2), the Senate sent the equivalent of a sternly worded letter telling Putin he’d better not do it. What was lost were immediate penalties on Russian officials and entities, with further sanctions promised should the invasion occur, as well as an authorization for President Joe Biden to dust off the 1941 Lend-Lease Act to lend military equipment to Ukraine. The larger loss was the projection of a unified United States government that would respond swiftly and harshly to a Russian invasion of Ukraine. And here we are.
Most establishment Republicans (if such a thing exists anymore) have been quick to condemn Russia, though most have also used the occasion to criticize President Biden for being weak and allowing Putin to invade. That is, again, telegraphing to Russia and our allies that Biden doesn’t have a united Congress behind him, a dangerous message. (By the way, Cruz—the Nord Stream 2 sanction hawk—spent the early hours of the invasion hanging out with Donald Trump at Mar-a-Lago, while Trump was praising Putin. “Trump said Putin is smart,” Trump said, using the royal third person. “He’s taken over a country for $2 worth of sanctions. I’d say that’s pretty smart.”)
Now that the invasion has happened, there’s reluctant unity with Republicans in support of strong sanctions against Ukraine. But it’s not a given that the Senate can overcome the Republicans’ internal divisions and desire to make mischief against Democrats and Biden in this crisis. Like the odious Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO), who has been arguing: ”We shouldn’t be trying to build a liberal empire abroad, we shouldn’t be trying to be the world’s policemen, we need to act what’s in the best interest of America’s national security, economic security.” Hawley added China is “the leading threat” to America.
As we’ve seen over and over again, the likes of a Cruz, or Hawley, or Rand Paul, or Mike Lee can hang up the Senate for weeks. It only takes a single trouble-making senator to halt action on the floor, and there’s critical action ahead for the Senate, which is scheduled to come back into session next Monday.
That could include a supplemental spending bill to provide assistance to Ukraine, as well as additional sanctions or just a vote to back Biden up on sanctions he imposes. The supplemental bill has been especially pushed by Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) .“As Putin tries to dismember NATO, we need to try to make it stronger,” Graham said. “The emergency supplemental needs to help our allies and provide more assistance to Ukraine. We need to create a mechanism for Putin and his cronies to pay a heavy price to deter further aggression.” (By the way, Graham also spent Wednesday evening with Trump.)
“I want to put money on the table to help NATO allies living in the shadow of Russia regarding cyberattacks, and I would expect — in the coming days, if not hours — cyberattacks against Ukraine,” Graham said. “Cyberattacks are going to be a method that Putin uses to intimidate the region and maybe come after us. I think one of the things he’s going to test is whether or not America has the will to push back.”
Minority Leader Mitch McConnell is also pushing aid to Ukraine. “The United States and all friends of Ukraine must ensure a pipeline of support, including arms, flows to Ukrainians resisting Russian aggression,” McConnell said. “We must also shore up NATO’s defenses along its eastern flank and make clear that aggression against NATO countries will be met with an overwhelming collective response.”
This spending bill would provide lethal aid to Ukraine, help the Defense Department fund troop deployments to NATO countries to the north and the west of Ukraine, and give assistance to Ukraine’s neighbors for refugees.
Here’s the thing, though: The Department of Defense is still operating under a budget passed in 2020. It is still functioning under the policies imposed by that last Trump budget, which includes Afghanistan war operations. Which no longer exist. The Pentagon is still saddled with these policy and budget restrictions because Republicans have not allowed spending for fiscal year 2021 (which is more than one-third over).
They’ve not allowed that funding, they say, because there’s not enough of an increase for the Pentagon in it. Some irony, huh? The real reason is that they want Biden to have to live with a Trump budget for as long as possible. They see the possibility of regaining the Congress in 2022, and thus having primary budget control and have been working toward the goal of keeping Democrats from ever passing their appropriations.
How the Senate responds when they return—which should be immediately instead of five days from now—is going to be critically important. It could also be when we see if Republicans are going to finally decide whether to be Americans or be Trumpers.
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