The water crisis that’s been a “crisis“ for years
Commentary by Chitown Kev
For the past week-and-a half, the story of the water crisis in Jackson, Mississippi has captured national attention.
Eliza Fawcett/The New York Times
The water supply in Jackson, Mississippi’s capital, reached a crisis point early last week when the city’s largest water treatment plant failed, leaving Jackson with little to no water pressure to fight fires, flush toilets or perform other basic municipal services. Volunteers struggled to distribute millions of bottles of drinking water to residents, and Mr. Reeves summoned the National Guard to help.
The city’s tap water has not yet been deemed safe to drink, however, and a state-issued boil-water notice remains in effect. In an
update on Monday, city officials said that they would resume sampling the water this week, provided that the water pressure is maintained, and that the city would be able to lift its boil water notice after two rounds of clear samples.
Benji Jones of Vox succinently outlines the specific reasons for this failure of the Jackson water supply system.
There are two main issues affecting Jackson’s water system, according to recent reports.
Days of torrential rain in August flooded Mississippi’s Pearl River and the Ross R. Barnett Reservoir, a 33,000-acre lake that provides water to Jackson. Before making its way into homes, the water passes through the O.B. Curtis treatment plant, which is just north of Jackson.
Floodwaters often contain large amounts of contaminants from runoff that can be hard to filter and change the water’s chemistry. That can, in turn, strain treatment plants and slow down the speed at which treated water fills the city’s water towers, many of which are at extremely low levels. Without water in these towers, there’s not enough pressure to feed the city’s system.
The other problem has to do with water pumps. For weeks now, the main pumps at the Curtis plant — the city’s largest facility — have been out of service and the plant has been relying instead on weaker backup pumps. Those backup pumps may have malfunctioned. Other parts of the plant, including motors and water screens (which filter out large objects), are also in need of repair, state officials said Wednesday.
As soon as the Jackson water crisis story broke, I wasn’t shocked or surprised. I’m pretty sure that I had linked to at least one story about Jackson, Mississippi’s issues with attaining clean safe drinking water in the past for the Overnight News Digest before the onset of the current crises And I did remember that the city of Jackson, MS was in the news in 2016 because of alarming levels of lead in their drinking water, although the water crisis then was overshadowed by the water crisis in Flint, Michigan.
Kate Galbraith and Matthew Teague/The Guardian (3/17/2016)
As with Flint, the problem in Jackson appears to be related to inadequate corrosion control, and the months of delay in state action raises shades of Flint, something that Michigan governor Rick Snyder will testify on before a congressional committee on Thursday.
An astonishing 22% of homes in Jackson, Mississippi, exceeded the federal “action” lead level of 15 parts per billion, according to government tests done in June. Compare that with Flint, where researchers from Virginia Tech sampled hundreds of homes as residents begged for help and found 16.7% of homes exceeded the federal “action” lead level, though the sampling methodology may be different in the two cases.
But Mississippi officials did not notify the city of Jackson of the results until January, and it was not until February that the state issued a warning for pregnant women and small children. A sampling of 101 homes in January and February this year showed 11% of homes above the federal lead limit – a number that is still worrisome, under federal regulations.
The comic that heads this diary is from an 2018 comic series by Laurie Bertram Roberts, along with Dr. Cynthia Greenlee and with illustrations by Jaz Roberts dealing specifically with the ongoing problems with the Jackson, MS water system.
NIck Judin of the Mississippi Free Press did a 3-part series in 2021 covering the history of the Jackson, MS water crisis today including the legacies of neglect and racism by the state of Mississippi. This comment by Laurie Bertram Roberts on Mississippi Governor Tate Reeves’s leadership and claims is from March 2021.
“So when he says other municipalities in Mississippi have problems, how does that sound to people who are on the ground in Jackson, trying to solve these problems?” Bertram Roberts asks. “To me, it sounds like he’s saying that these other white cities are handling those problems on their own, while our Black leadership is incapable of handling the situation … It’s not even a dog whistle. It’s a yell through a megaphone,” she answers.
Of course, the legacies of Jim Crow, white flight, and state neglect of a city where now over 80% of its residents are Black is part of the story here.
To be fair, there has been some reporting on the water system troubles in Jackson, MS over the years here at Daily Kos...but not much. I can think of at least one article I linked to over the years (although I couldn’t find it in a DK search).
Sometimes, I think that we look too much at “the bigger picture” and “zoom out” to capture that bigger picture when we should be zooming in. As a news junkie myself, I am well aware of that tendency in myself.
I am also aware that I can only read so much and do so much.
No matter how overwhelming the task seems at times, we have to do better.
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NEWS ROUND UP BY DOPPER0189, BLACK KOS MANAGING EDITOR
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In the past week, two distinct reactions to the attack against Richardson have emerged from the BYU community. One reaction comes from a chorus of BYU community members, especially students of color, prominent Black BYU alumni, and some faculty , who have voiced their disgust at what happened. Following the events at the volleyball game, “the Black Menaces,” a group of BYU students whose TikTok videos on racism at BYU and beyond have gone viral, students, staff, and faculty at BYU to participate in anti-racist training. The Black Menaces, along with Black BYU alumni, believe such work is particularly important at their institution. And not because the school is overwhelmingly white (at 80 percent of the student population, BYU is pretty white, but many institutions are whiter), but, in particular, because of the long history of anti-Black policies and practices in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
The other reaction has been to circle the wagons—to fend off what BYU apologists see as an attack on the university’s good name and the good name of the church it embodies. After some twists and turns in the story this week—the university now says it can’t find evidence that the fan first banned was the one to yell the word, and the investigation into what happened is ongoing—the entire right-wing mediasphere, eager to doubt this kind of report, has begun to question Richardson’s account. But that’s a national story, and what’s interesting here is the local reaction. At BYU, the defenses have ranged from the typical: One bad fan doesn’t spoil a whole fanbase. To the particular: People have argued that the fan accused of threatening Richardson has an autism spectrum disorder, or that he confused Richardson with a friend of his who plays for BYU (both teams wear blue-and-white uniforms). To the defensive: This whole affair, some have said, isn’t about the history of racism in America (and in the LDS church in particular). It’s another chapter in Americans’ long history of anti-Mormonism.
These two distinct reactions to last week’s incident are both rooted in Mormonism. That’s because Mormonism is a religion that embodies two truths at once: It promotes a racially particularistic doctrine that has, at times, favored certain racial groups over others. And it promotes a universalistic doctrine that also has sought to embrace everyone, everywhere.
The embodiment of this first truth is that Mormonism has always had a white geographical, hierarchical, and cultural center. Mormonism’s racist beliefs and practices have worked to defend that white center, and to safeguard its power and racial purity. The embodiment of the second truth is that Mormonism has always had a Black periphery. And this Black periphery has continually pushed the white center toward what it views as the universalistic and inclusive teachings of the Mormon faith.
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After the initial rejection of a swimmer’s cap made specifically for natural Black and textured hair, Soul Cap has finally received approval. Last year, FINA, the world governing body for aquatic sports banned the use of the caps at the Olympics stating that athletes competing at this level “never used, neither require to use, caps of such size and configuration,” according to The Associated Press.
This report also stated that the caps do not “[follow] the natural form of the head,” which is a rule outlined in FINA’s requirements for approved gear.
Upon the announcement of the ban, conversations began to unfold around inclusivity and the barriers that exist for people of color in the competitive swimming world.
Chair of the Black Swimming Association, Danielle Obe told Sky Sports last year that “by and large, hair is a significant barrier to aquatics for many women especially and many people of color from our communities. So [the Soul Cap] should be considered as a product that overcomes this barrier.”
Fortunately, FINA decided this past week to walk back the product rejection following “a period of “review and discussion on cap design,” alongside Soul Cap creators, Brent Nowicki, executive director at FINA told the U.K.’s Metro.
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So that’s it.
After 23 grand-slam titles, more than a thousand matches, and innumerable GOAT debates, Serena Williams’ professional tennis career is over.
It wasn’t the mic-drop, record-equalling 24th major singles title ending she had dreamed of, but this week has still been a thrilling New York goodbye, and her departure will be remembered as one of the most significant dates in tennis history. The day that Williams, after a quarter of a century of domination, said farewell to tennis, a sport she has helped to define. Many followers of tennis do not know a world in which Williams isn’t a dominant figure in the game. She played her first qualifier for a professional tournament in 1995, her first main-draw match two years later, and won her first grand slam as a 17-year-old at the US Open in 1999.
Since Williams announced her intention to retire in August, the tributes have been numerous and heartfelt. And there are few superlatives left to describe someone who has achieved as much as she has.
But it still feels important to put one of the greatest sporting careers of all time into proper context. To explain why when reliving her career there are so many that-cannot-be-true moments.
Like the fact she beat a player born in each year from 1966 to 2001 (35 years), and then one born in 2003 for good measure. Or reached a grand-slam semi-final in four separate decades. Or that 6-1 was a more frequent set scoreline in her favour than 6-4, or that — and this really does feel impossible — she won more bagel (6-0) sets than tie-breaks because more often than not no one could get near her. She really was that dominant. She won a grand slam while pregnant, for crying out loud.
This is a breakdown of Williams’ career and an attempt to convey the extent of her domination, the evolution of her game, and how she has changed the sport forever.
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In 1965, the Voting Rights Act outlawed the discriminatory voting practices of many states in the South, where Jim Crow laws also restricted how and where Black people could live, work, eat and study.
Yet, nearly 60 years later, Robinson and civil rights activists say those gains are being eroded. In Alabama, Florida and Louisiana, new congressional maps that some judges have ruled dilute the power of Black voters are being used in upcoming elections.
Civil rights leaders worry the maps could diminish minority representation on Capitol Hill. The issue is especially contentious this year, when Democrats — traditionally favored by minority voters — are fighting to hang on to slim majorities in Congress in midterms that tend to reward the party not in the White House.
“I’m hurt. I’m shocked. I’m disappointed,” an 85-year-old Robinson said. “I’m also a little afraid, because I don’t know where all this is heading.”
Every 10 years, state lawmakers, armed with new U.S. Census Bureau information, redraw political maps for seats in the U.S. House, state Senate and state House. It is typically an extraordinarily partisan process, with each major party trying to scoop up enough of its voters to guarantee wins in the largest number of districts. The boundaries determine which political parties will make decisions that have a profound impact on people’s lives, such as abortion, gun control and how billions of tax dollars are spent.
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First Baptist Church was born by a tamarind tree perched on a hill overlooking the turquoise waters of the Caribbean.
Under the tree’s shade, First Baptist’s founder taught English-speaking former slaves and their descendants how to read using the Bible. The tree still stands more than 175 years later — even if crooked after surviving devastating hurricanes.
The church is so crucial to the history of the Colombian island of San Andres that detailed record of births and deaths are kept here in crumbling books that date back nearly two centuries.
The “mother church,” as it is often called, is a source of pride for the Raizals, the English-speaking, mostly Protestant inhabitants of San Andres, Providencia and the smaller islands and keys that form an archipelago in the western Caribbean near Nicaragua, about 440 miles (710 kilometers) from the Colombian mainland.
“For a young person like me, it’s finding my roots — it’s good to know where we come from,” said the Rev. Shuanon Hudgson, 26, the church’s associate pastor.
“It’s like Marcus Garvey says,” quoting the Jamaica-born, early 20th-century Black nationalist: “‘A people without knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots.’ And this church has been a pillar.”
Under the tree, a stone plaque commemorates the birth of the congregation: “Baptist work was established here by Rev. Phillip Beekman Livingston (Jr.) in 1844.”
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Kenya’s supreme court has confirmed William Ruto as winner of the country’s disputed national vote, ending weeks of political uncertainty after the opposition – and election officials – questioned the count.
Ruto was announced winner on 15 August amid a divide within the electoral commission over the declared outcome, which showed that the vice-president had gained 50.5% of the vote, beating the longtime opposition leader, Raila Odinga, and narrowly avoiding a runoff.
More than half of the commissioners disowned the vote, terming the process “opaque”, and Odinga launched a challenge in the court, alleging fraud, voter suppression and impunity by the commission’s chair, whom he claimed acted unilaterally. It was Odinga’s fifth and likely last attempt at the presidency.
The court held that there was no credible evidence of fraud, interference or a failure of the electoral body’s technology. It held that there were valid reasons for the postponement of the gubernatorial elections in certain areas (some of which were perceived Odinga strongholds) and that there were no grounds to conclude that the postponement had affected voter turnout.
It said that all electoral commissioners were involved in the process until just before the announcement of results, and that there was no evidence to show that the process was “opaque” in a way that compromised the outcome.
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