It’s been almost a month since the Democrats in the Ohio House of Representatives joined with a minority of GOP members to elect Jason Stephens as speaker over Derek Merrin, a fellow Republican who was his caucus’ official choice to lead the chamber, and the GOP’s civil war has only escalated since then. The latest battle is being waged over which man gets to control the caucus’ campaign arm, as both Stephens and Merrin have appointed one of their allies to head the Ohio House Republican Alliance.
However, Cleveland.com’s Jeremy Pelzer writes that only the speaker and his pick, state Rep. Jeff LaRe, have official corporate debit cards that allow them to spend the OHRA’s money, and Stephens plans to use some of it on a caucus retreat. (Why anyone would want to attend what will likely be a horribly awkward event remains unanswered.) Stephens’ side insists he has this power because the speaker has traditionally also been the leader of the majority caucus, and Republicans enjoy a 67-32 edge.
Merrin and his choice to head the OHRA, state Rep. Phil Plummer, unsurprisingly see things very differently. Merrin, who has accused Stephens’ side of “ramp[ing] up their efforts” to win the speakership when they learned their rival was busy caring for his dying father, has retained the loyalty of a majority of the GOP’s members, and they elected him caucus chair on Tuesday. Stephens and the 21 Republicans who backed him for speaker, all of whom were censured by the state party’s central committee weeks ago, were invited to attend this gathering but didn’t show.
Plummer cited Ohio law that says, “Each legislative campaign fund shall be administered and controlled in a manner designated by the caucus,” arguing, “(Stephens) needs to read the law and follow it.” He added, “If he wants a court battle over this, he will get one.” Legal experts also tell the Associated Press that there’s no law to “expressly require the speaker and caucus leader to be the same individual.” The OHRA’s website hasn’t picked a side, though, as it’s had a blank page under “members” since at least Friday; its donation section, however, seems to be working just fine.
The GOP factionalism is also continuing to play out on the House floor. The chamber voted 63-35 last week to approve the rules package Stephens wanted despite intense opposition from Merrin’s forces: Stephens’ side got the support of all the Democrats and 31 Republicans, including eight who’d opposed him for speaker, while 35 Republicans stuck with Merrin.
Among other things, the rules give Democrats more representation on committees and let Minority Leader Allison Russo choose members for special committees: They also empower the speaker and minority leader to fill vacant seats held by their respective parties (there are no special legislative elections in Ohio), a duty previously held by the caucuses. Merrin’s people, by contrast, unsuccessfully pushed proposals to limit the speaker’s power, let members bring guns onto the floor, and start the day with a “Christian prayer.”
What all of this chaos may not do, though, is stop Ohio Republicans from passing a new congressional gerrymander for 2024 especially now that, unlike last year, they have a friendly state Supreme Court to rubber stamp whatever they agree to. Though the state court ordered the legislature to adopt a new map within 30 days after striking down the second set of lines last summer, Republican lawmakers appear to have taken no steps to do so. Instead, Republicans filed an appeal months later with the U.S. Supreme Court, which has yet to decide whether or not to hear the case.
Should lawmakers eventually be compelled to draw a new map or decide to do so on their own, it’s possible that the two House GOP factions will reach an agreement with each other, the state Senate’s Republican supermajority, and Gov. Mike DeWine. If they don’t during the allotted time, the new maps would be drawn up by a seven-member commission consisting of DeWine, Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose, GOP state Auditor Keith Faber, and one appointee each by the four legislative majority and minority party leaders.
Bolts Magazine’s Daniel Nichanian notes that, even if Stephens’ choice doesn’t go along with the rest of the party, the GOP would still have enough members to pass their preferred boundaries. At least one fair redistricting advocate told Nichanian she was “guardedly optimistic” Stephens could at least make the process more transparent, but there was little hope that he’d dramatically change things. “It really is the ultimate political Groundhog Day,” political scientist David Niven said to the Ohio Capital Journal, “without the redeeming learning that Bill Murray had.”