Democratic Sen. Ben Cardin announced Monday that he would not seek a fourth term next year in Maryland, a decision that marks the beginning of the end for a political career that began over a half century ago. There’s little question that Cardin’s party will hold his seat in a state that favored Joe Biden 64-32 and where Republicans last won a Senate race in 1980, but there’s sure to be a great deal of interest among Old Line State Democrats in the 2024 primary.
Cardin himself grew up in a notable Baltimore political family that included his father, Meyer Cardin, who was elected to his sole four-year term state House in 1934 and later became a judge. An uncle, Maurice Cardin, enjoyed a 20-year career in the lower chamber, but he made it clear to his nephew that he wanted him as his successor when he retired.
That day came in 1966 when Ben Cardin was 23 and still a University of Maryland law student: Maurice Cardin himself recounted in 1982 that as the pair stood outside a polling place on Election Day voters went up to him rather than the soon-to-be-victorious candidate and said, “I voted for you again.” The younger Cardin himself would say in 2006, “I worked hard in that [first] election, but I think it's fair to say that without the name, I wouldn't have won.” But Cardin, with his uncle’s encouragement, successfully sought a post on the powerful Ways and Means Committee and quickly became a respected member, and he went on to chair the body.
The delegate rose further in the state House by securing enough support to become speaker even before Election Day 1978, and the 35-year-old became the youngest person in state history up until that point to lead the chamber. Cardin, the Washington Post would write four years later, enjoyed “power [that] is almost absolute,” and while there was talk he’d run as Gov. Harry Hughes running mate in 1982 to set himself up for a future bid for the top job, the speaker unsurprisingly opted to stay put. However, while Cardin said, “I would like to be governor some day,” the paper noted that his name recognition was so low outside political circles that he’d had a tough time prevailing statewide.
While the speaker did eye a 1986 bid for governor, he instead ran that year to replace Rep. Barbara Mikulski when she left the safely Democratic 3rd District behind to wage a victorious Senate bid. Cardin easily claimed the nomination to replace her ahead of an overwhelming win, and he never had trouble holding his seat. The congressman, just like he did in the legislature, went on to become a member of the Ways & Means Committee and respected policy wonk, though essentially everyone agreed he was anything but a compelling orator.
Cardin finally got the chance to campaign statewide in the 2006 cycle when Maryland’s other Democratic senator, Paul Sarbanes, retired, and what followed were the only seriously contested primary and general election campaigns of his long career. His most prominent intra-party foe was former NAACP president Kweisi Mfume, a former congressman who would have been the state’s first Black senator. Cardin enjoyed a big financial advantage and considerably more support from powerful state Democrats, but Mfume’s charisma and deep ties with the state’s large African American population made him a formidable opponent. Cardin won by a tight 44-41 margin but immediately had to prepare for an expensive showdown with Lt. Gov. Michael Steele, who was the first Black statewide elected official.
Democrats feared that, despite George W. Bush’s horrible approval ratings, Steele could win enough African American support to pose a serious threat to Cardin. “The challenge of the opportunity is to build a bridge to communities the Democratic Party has taken for granted and has, by its choice of nominee,” Steele declared on the campaign trail, while Mfume himself warned his party it wasn’t doing enough to appeal to Black voters. This was another contest where Cardin, who joked in his own campaign ads, “Who says I'm not flashy?” faced a far more charismatic opponent, but he and his allies pushed back by tying Steele to Bush.
Cardin aired a spot late in the campaign where actor Michael J. Fox, who has Parkinson’s disease, told the audience that Steele wanted to “put limits on the most promising stem cell research.” The Republican responded with his own commercial featuring his sister, a pediatrician who has multiple sclerosis, pushing back and condemning Cardin, but it wasn’t enough. The Democrat prevailed 54-44, though Steele’s losing effort helped launch him to a high-profile and turbulent career helming the Republican National Committee from 2009 to 2011; Mfume, for his part, returned to the House in a 2020 special election.
Cardin had a far easier time in 2012 when he turned back a primary challenge from state Sen. C. Anthony Muse, who had made a name for himself as a prominent opponent of same-sex marriage, 74-16. The incumbent went on to win a low-profile general election 56-26 against Republican Dan Bongino, a former Secret Service agent who would almost win a House race two years later before reinventing himself as a Trumpian commentator.
The Cardin family suffered a political setback in the 2014 primary for attorney general when the senator’s nephew, Del. Jon Cardin, took a distant second to eventual winner Brian Frosh, but Ben Cardin himself remained entrenched at home. In 2018 he won renomination in an 80-6 landslide over Chelsea Manning, the former Army soldier who was convicted of giving hundreds of thousands of classified military reports to the site Wikileaks, and he secured his final term with ease months later.
Can we have fairer, more representative elections in the U.S.? Absolutely, says Deb Otis on this week's episode of "The Downballot." Otis, the director of research at FairVote, tells us about her organization's efforts to advocate for two major reforms—ranked-choice voting and proportional representation—and the prospects for both. RCV, which is growing in popularity, not only helps ensure candidates win with majorities but can lower the temperature by encouraging cross-endorsements. PR, meanwhile, would give voters a stronger voice, especially when they're a minority in a dark red or dark blue area.
