Hello, everyone. Good morning, afternoon or evening, and welcome to this edition of Notes from South Asia. You can find all the articles in the series here (along with my other diaries).
Today, we will cover a sliver of the Great Indian patriarchy, Bangladesh-India Relations, and water and taxes in Bhutan.
Trigger warning: Mentions of sexual assault and rape in the India section.
India
It is her fault anyway
A few days before the April 26 election in Hassan, Karnataka, pen drives with videos showing sexual assault of many women were left lying around across the district—in stadiums, parks and so on. The videos went viral.
Further investigation showed that the man—unseen—in the videos was Prajwal Revanna, a Janata Dal (Secular)—JD(S)—Member of Parliament from Hassan. JD(S) is in alliance with the Hindu supremacist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
The police set up a Special Investigation Team (SIT) and a few survivors came forward to register cases against Prajwal and his dad (also involved). Prajwal fled the country after the videos surfaced—despite being a candidate in the elections—and his dad, H.D Revanna after attempting to kidnap one of the survivors under false pretenses, was arrested on charges of kidnapping. He was recently released on bail (the clipping above).
There has been political mudslinging since the videos went viral. JD(S) is accusing the main opposition in Karnataka, Indian National Congress (INC/Congress), of distributing the videos and even claiming that the videos contain morphed images.
The videos as far as I know do not contain morphed images. All evidence points to them being truthful and Prajwal Revanna and his dad H.D Revanna being serial sexual assaulters and abusers.
That is not the story I want to share though. The stories I want to share are reports from News Minute on the survivors and the social reaction in Hassan to this tale of abuse.
Silenced by fear: Survivors reveal years of abuse in the Revanna household report by Anisha Sheth, Shivani Kava, Nandini Chandrashekhar. Edited by Sudipto Mondal.
Girija was forced to accompany Bhavani whenever the latter went to Bengaluru. On one of these occasions, Bhavani was out shopping when Prajwal allegedly raped her. Girija and another woman were cleaning rooms in the house. “I didn’t even know when he came into the room and locked the door.” She recalled that he had his phone in his hand but had no idea that he had recorded the assault.
“He said that he is an MP and that if I didn’t listen to him, he would fire my husband and me, and also rape my daughter,” Girija said.
The trauma of the assault and social stigma made it impossible for her to tell anybody about it. “I couldn’t tell my husband or my daughter that they did this to me. How could I tell anyone? I was very distressed that all this happened,” she said, breaking down.
Prajwal allegedly threatened Girija’s 28-year-old daughter Sunita* and made her strip on a video call in 2020. Sunita too was unaware that he had recorded it. “He said he would fire my mother and wouldn’t spare my daughter either. He didn’t spare me even though I begged him,” Sunita recalled. Her daughter is now a teen.
When the videos first surfaced, Sunita saw clippings of Mridula*, another woman who worked for Revanna and who has now filed a complaint. “I asked my mother if she too had been assaulted. I asked her several times, but she denied it out of fear. When I found out about my mother’s assault, I was deeply distressed. I cried bitterly. We were simple people who earned a living rearing livestock. They betrayed our trust and did this to us,” Sunita said.
Videos of both Girija and Sunita are among those that Prajwal allegedly recorded and have been circulating on social media and messaging platforms. It was the police who showed the mother and daughter videos of their assaults.
While the people mentioned have registered complaints with the police, most of the women are reluctant to press charges. They also didn’t want to be identified and the News Minute has testimony from them too.
Some survivors have not approached the police and do not wish to do so either but told us their stories. TNM is publishing their thoughts about their ordeal while withholding details that they did not want to be revealed.
“I feel like a snake that has been almost stoned to death. And they continue to throw stones at it just to see if it is dead.” Some have turned the situation into a game by tracing the identities of the women in the videos and harassing them either on social media platforms or through phone messages. This constant taunting and mocking makes the women feel as if they are being violated daily. “I know I will never be free of this. They will never let me be happy, they will never let me forget. If I show the slightest bit of recovering from this ordeal, they will make sure they rake the issue up again and break my spirit,” a survivor said.
They don’t just fear retaliation from the powerful family. They fear the social reaction, which has been horrifying to say the least.
The same reporters report on the social reaction: When violence is consumed as porn: How Prajwal Revanna videos are affecting the social fabric of Hassan Editor: Dhanya Rajendran.
TNM met young people like Supriya in Hassan — college students who had seen the videos and were unable to comprehend the nature of the sexual acts they have seen, or the potential abuse of power that may be involved. We met parents of minors and young adults who had no idea if their children had watched the videos; and parents who knew their children had watched the videos but had not talked to them about the issue because they simply did not know how. We spoke to residents who told us that their friends and acquaintances were eagerly seeking out or sharing the clips in their social circles. The videos have spread beyond Hassan, and there is a frenzied search on social media for them even as many people continuously create online profiles with links to the videos.
With a population of just over three lakh, Hassan is a small town where almost everybody knows everybody. According to activists, the women in the videos include those who worked at Revanna’s properties, members of the Janata Dal (Secular), wives of JD(S) party workers, public officials, professionals, and the district’s social elite. A Hassan-based senior journalist and activist told TNM that many male JD(S) members now suspect that their wives are in the videos. [...]
A 20-year-old student named Priya* said that she knew one of the survivors. “She lives in my neighbourhood. The husband and wife are both JD(S) members,” she said, adding that the couple had not been seen out of their house since the incident came to light. “Residents started speculating about the identity of the women and as far as I know, the couple attempted suicide,” she said.
Even young girls got a hold of the video from older men (anna, meaning elder brother) in their neighbourhood. It seems to have had a negative effect on them.
Chaitra*, a student, got a video clip on a neighbourhood WhatsApp group of her “annas” (brothers), as she refers to male acquaintances from her neighbourhood. “I accidentally saw the clip. I didn't even know what it meant, but it was terrifying,” she told TNM. Asked what she saw, she struggled to find the words. Her reaction suggested that she was shocked by visuals of sexual acts and male genitals. She said the video struck fear in her, as she had watched visuals of oral sex. “If this is what marriage is, I don't want to get married,” she said.
Parents seem to not know how to react to it. (India has an abysmal sex education system.)
Students who spoke to TNM said they had not spoken to each other about the videos. Most parents of teenagers appeared to have responded in a knee-jerk manner: they simply confiscated their children’s phones to prevent them from watching the videos.
All of this is bad. But the worst is that people seem to think this would mean that their daughters would not get marriage proposals (yes, arranged marriage). As if it was the girls’ fault.
We asked 40-year-old Chandrakala* who runs a condiments shop in Hassan town, what she thought about the videos of women in her hometown being watched by everyone. She spoke at length, repeating news developments, and mentioning that she feared that children would get wrong ideas about sex and women if they watched the videos. Chandrakala worried about the impact it would have when parents are getting their daughters married: “Because we’re from Hassan, people will wonder whether our daughters were in the videos.”
Only accidentally did she mention that her 20-year-old daughter had watched the videos. It came up during a conversation with her daughter and it left her stumped.
Asked if she had spoken to her daughter about what she had seen, Chandrakala said, “We are a society in which people look away even if women’s clothes are dishevelled. How can I talk to her about this?” She then felt the need to defend her daughter, lest she be judged for having seen sexually explicit content. “Her friends sent it to her. She is very innocent. She’s the type who cries easily,” she said.
The police did nothing to stop the circulation of videos. They could have put out a gag order immediately since Indian laws allow for that. SIT put out a gag order only twenty days after the videos began circulating.
The SIT arrested two BJP workers for circulating the videos as well. While JD(S) and BJP blame Congress for the videos, it appears disgruntled BJP workers may have collected the videos and orchestrated their release.
People are seeking out these videos for entertainment. And they are being sold on Instagram (Instagram does not allow it but people are asked to access Telegram for it).
The failure of the police to act on time has allowed the videos to acquire a Hydra-like permanent presence online, which the police may now find impossible to contain. The videos and pictures are being sought, shared, and even sold, with obscene enthusiasm.
Some Facebook users have put up posts asking people to leave their phone numbers if they want to receive Prajwal Revanna videos on WhatsApp. A Reddit thread discussing the case has turned into a frenzied search for the explicit videos. One user on X left a link to the videos in a comment to a TNM story on the Prajwal Revanna case. The user said, “Enjoy, thank me later.” TNM reported the user on X. Instagram accounts are selling the videos for Rs 300.
There are also Instagram accounts posting short unblurred clips of the women, with captions directing viewers to Telegram channels for more explicit content. (Instagram automatically removes nude content of a certain nature.) Admins of these Telegram channels have numerous backup channels where users can access the content if one channel gets taken down. Not all the content in these channels is related to Prajwal Revanna.
There are even ads and memes making fun of the women in Hassan. Appalling ads. Beyond political mudslinging, very few in the media are taking a survivor centric approach to the story. Nor is any support being given to the women and girls either directly or indirectly affected.
I wonder if schools and colleges are giving any support or holding a discussion given the scale of the story. The pieces don’t say.
The scale of this is astounding: not just the abuse but the release of videos and their effect on locals. It requires a coordinated counter campaign from the government to provide emotional support to women and girls, to protect them, and to raise awareness. So far, I have not seen any sign of it.
I have gone on long enough, so will cut short the Indian section here. We can talk about Kashmir (which I had planned before I chanced up on the News Minute coverage) next week. I hope you will read the whole pieces I shared above. No paywall and they are illuminating.
Bangladesh
Being Bangladeshi and Finding Modi
Kamal Ahmed writes for Himal South Asian about how: Bangladesh is vexed by and wary of Modi’s unstinting support to Sheikh Hasina
In the run-up to Bangladesh’s general election in January 2014, New Delhi took the unusual step of sending a top diplomat from its external affairs ministry to Dhaka to persuade General Hussain Muhammaed Ershad, the country’s former military ruler, to participate in the polls. Big questions had been raised over the fairness of the election. The incumbent government was led by Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League, and the leader of the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) had been placed under virtual house arrest, with police and roadblocks around her house in Dhaka. The BNP and other opposition parties were threatening to boycott the election. Ershad, the head of the Jatiya Party, was perceived as a potential kingmaker, able to bring to power whichever of Bangladesh’s two main parties he supported, but he was also threatening to withdraw from the election.
He later told reporters that the Indian diplomat’s purported reason in asking for his participation was to prevent the rise of the Jamaat-e-Islami, a hardline Islamist party and an ally of the BNP. However, India’s move was seen as trying to legitimise a one-sided election. This marked a pivotal moment in the relationship between the two countries, as the action was widely interpreted as direct Indian interference in Bangladesh’s domestic politics with the aim of bolstering a favoured strategic political ally in the Awami League. He told it years later
In that election, 154 out of the 300 parliamentary seats had a single candidate standing due to the boycott, resulting in the Awami League securing a majority even before voting commenced. With support from New Delhi, where the Indian National Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) was then in power, Hasina reneged on her promise of a subsequent new election and a political resolution to the question of the conduct of elections in Bangladesh. Earlier, the country had followed a system where a caretaker government took power at election time to ensure fair polls – but Hasina had abolished this in 2011, fuelling the opposition’s protests of foul play. The broken promise after the boycotted election triggered a prolonged period of governance without a viable opposition. And despite expectations of a shift in New Delhi’s Bangladesh policy following the transition of power in India in 2014, when the UPA gave way to the National Democratic Alliance led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), India’s support for Hasina remained steadfast. Throughout the ten years of Indian government under the BJP and Narendra Modi, this has remained unchanged.
It was bad enough during the Congress’ tenure but deepened in BJP’s time.
The Awami League has had more interaction with the BJP-led national government in India over the past decade than it had with Congress-led governments in the past. This is despite historical ties between the Awami League and the Congress, closer ideological alignment between them particularly on secularism, and strong bonds between the Mujib and Gandhi dynasties that, respectively, head these parties. Modi and Hasina have touted their relationship as being unparalleled in its depth and cooperation, and held it up as a model for others to emulate. Since 2014, bilateral relations between Modi’s India and Hasina’s Bangladesh have not only deepened but also expanded, transcending ideological barriers between the BJP, which is rooted in Hindutva principles, and the ostensibly secular Awami League.
But some critics have long decried a lack of mutual respect in the India-Bangladesh relationship. They have pointed out that Hasina has risked alienating conservative Muslims in her own country with gestures like inviting Modi to be a special guest at Bangladesh’s celebration of the golden jubilee of its independence.Anti-India sentiment has spread and intensified in Bangladesh especially after Hasina’s contentious re-election earlier this year. Once again, the election was highly controversial, with a crackdown on the opposition and widespread accusations of official favouritism. New Delhi had lobbied before the election for the continuity of Hasina’s government, and endorsed her contested mandate after the vote. This ignited a spontaneous backlash against India, and re-opened old wounds in Bangladesh over killings by Indian forces along the countries’ mutual border, the unequal sharing of water between them and India’s strongarm trade tactics.
New Delhi’s support for Hasina government has led to considerable anti-India sentiment in the country. The Hindu minorities and secular Muslims will pay a price for this. The Indian government professes respect but acts very selfishly in its own neighbourhood. And uses the Bangladesh government for domestic politics too.
Doing Business in Bangladesh
A Daily Star editorial writes about the challenges facing entrepreneurs in Bangladesh.
For example, the research paper points out that entrepreneurs have to pay six times more than the official rates to obtain licences and permits from various government agencies in order to do business. Astonishingly, if someone wants to set up a garment factory, they need to obtain no fewer than 20 licences! Imagine shuttling back and forth between different agencies in search of the licences, which may also involve paying hefty sums in bribe. Another big barrier is obtaining finance: on top of going through a complex process to obtain loans from banks, entrepreneurs have to face the added difficulty of getting the loans at competitive rates, because most banks are burdened with massive amounts of defaulted loans.
The question is, why are entrepreneurs being forced to pay so much to start or continue their undertaking? Where is the extra money going? And why do they have to submit all of their documents every time they need to renew a licence? What is the point of digitisation if the documents are not kept on record? It is clear that corruption has a big part to play here—a fact also highlighted by the United States Trade Representative (USTR) in the 2024 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers. These obstacles are not just affecting domestic entrepreneurs, but foreign investors too. Germany, for example, is yet to find Bangladesh as an attractive investment destination, according to the deputy head of mission of the German embassy in Bangladesh. That is why Bangladesh lags behind its competitors such as Indonesia, Vietnam and India in getting German investment.
Maintaining Infrastructure
Dhaka Tribune laments the lack of proper infrastructure maintenance in Bangladesh.
While Bangladesh’s infrastructure development over the past decade and a half is indeed impressive, it is equally true that rapid urbanization has put immense strain on the overall infrastructure, with crumbling roads, dilapidated walkways, and poorly maintained footover bridges becoming a common sight across the country.
And the lack of proper maintenance and repair of existing infrastructure is glaring and not fit for a nation with our ambitions. Spending public money behind infrastructure and then showing absolute disregard towards their maintenance is the very definition of burning through money, and it is time we held those responsible for these development initiatives to not only build them, but maintain them as well.
Funds can simply not be made available for new construction only while neglecting the upkeep of existing assets. This premature deterioration of our roads, walkways, and footover bridges presents this issue with absolute clarity. The poor condition of roads and bridges not only causes inconvenience but also poses serious safety hazards for commuters and pedestrians alike. Poorly maintained footover bridges, with cracked steps and rusted railings, put pedestrians at risk of accidents, while potholes and uneven surfaces on roads increase the likelihood of vehicular mishaps, leading to injuries and loss of life.
A problem in India as well.
Bhutan
Water Crisis
Kuensel (English news) reports on water crisis in a village neighbouring Thimphu, the capital city. Reporter is Dechen Dolkar.
If a persistent water shortage plagues the capital city, can a nearby village be any different? In Bhutan, a water shortage is not confined to sprawling urban settlements.
Khasakha village, located 20 kilometres from Thimphu city, has been battling with a severe drinking water shortage for decades. With over 200 households and new ones emerging, the situation has hit a crisis point.
The village is located a few kilometres above Khasadrapchu town.
Earlier, the village relied on the Phandey Lum water source, seven kilometres above the village.
As the population grew, with Thimphu’s residents spilling over into the village, the water source could not meet the demand. So, the village tapped into the Wakila sources, 12 hours away. However, the new sources are but a trickle for the growing population.
In 2016, the village built two large reservoirs a few kilometres above the village. The reservoirs collect water from two different sources. But the sources are not big enough.
In around 2020, the government spent Nu 1.5 million on the Wakila water project. To top up the budget, each household contributed Nu 6,500, taking the total amount to Nu 2.6 million. However, the villagers claim that the project failed to resolve the crisis.
The village waterman, Phuntsho Namgay, said water from even two sources is not enough to fill the reservoir. He plugs the reservoirs’ outlets for two days and two nights before supplying water. “If I keep the outlet open daily, the tank won’t fill up, and I can’t distribute water equally to all the households,” he said. A 71-year-old resident, Lobsang Sherub, said water freezes in the pipes during winter, exacerbating the crisis. The water volume increases slightly in summer due to the rains.
Taxation (and Representation?)
Bhutan’s outgoing government instituted tax reforms and there is much talk about it. Kuensel editorial on the subject.
Taxes are important even if they are not seen as the source of government revenue. Like the Resident representative of UNDP, Mohammad Younus said, it is a profound social contact between citizens and the state. Progressive tax system is a proven taxation policy or even an economic tool to bolster economic growth while ensuring equality and fairness in the society.
If our current tax policy relied on assumptions, incentives, and deductions, it is a flawed policy. And if the Income Tax Act 2001 has become outdated and fails to accommodate the changing landscape of digital assets, cryptocurrencies like bitcoin, and blockchain technology, it is not a fair taxation system.
There is a national dialogue on tax justice, enhanced compliance, and a renewed social contract happening. The timing is good. Notwithstanding the silent complaints, property owners are complying with the revised tax laws. We can surmise the revenue from taxes will help in improved domestic revenue. To put into context, a 13-decimal landowner in Semtokha is paying four times the amount she paid last year.
Critics say Bhutan’s taxation policy is rich centric. Economists are already concerned about the dwindling revenue from the various tax reforms in the recent past. If Bhutan’s tax base was already narrow, the increasing amount of revenue foregone through incentives is eroding the tax base and creating considerable challenge in mobilising domestic revenue.
I will leave you here. Until next Friday, everyone. Stay safe. Be well. Take care.
May the women, men, and non-binary people around the world bring down the patriarchy.
