Hello, everyone. Good morning, afternoon or evening, and welcome to this edition of Notes from South Asia. You can find all the articles in the series here (along with my other diaries).
Manipur that was mostly in cold civil war mode has become hot again and the state and central governments are to blame. Meanwhile police across India remain the hand of oppression. In Maldives, we have discussions about a mangrove island and ageing. In Myanmar, an editor reflects on those who sinned against democracy.
Trigger Warning: Mentions of sexual assault.
India
Manipur in Civil War
Greeshma Kuthar reports for the Caravan about the conflict in a district in Manipur called Jiribam.
Manipur’s ethnic violence began on 3 May 2023 in Churachandpur, but spread within days to nearly every district of the state. In Jiribam, too, within the first week, mobs led by Arambai Tenggol—a Meitei militia that enjoys the patronage of senior Bharatiya Janata Party leaders—attacked three Zo localities in Jiribam. Quick action by the security forces had stopped Jiribam’s conflict in its tracks. The forces also brokered a peace treaty among the many communities in Jiribam, likely the most demographically complex region of the state. Many Meiteis lived among the tribal Hmars in the villages of Jiribam while there were a mixture of tribes including the Kuki, Paite and Hmar living among the Meiteis in the town. It was in the interest of both groups to refrain from violence so that nobody had to lose their lives or their homes. Bengalis—both Hindu and Muslim—who form a majority in the district, acted as a buffer between the two sides of the conflict, much like the Pangal Muslims had in the rest of Manipur. After the initial fires were doused, most returned to their homes.
The violence in the state continues despite BJP’s parliamentary defeat. This is because the state government is complicit.
In the weeks that followed, which saw the near-complete ethnic cleansing of Hmar and Kuki communities from Jiribam town and its surrounding villages, the Manipur Police and state machinery were visibly working to accelerate the conflict in the district. After the union home ministry signed a suspension-of-operations treaty with the Pambei faction of the United National Liberation Front—the oldest Meitei-led insurgent organisation in the state—in November last year, its cadre gathered en masse in Jiribam. Alongside the UNLF (Pambei) and Arambai Tenggol, anti-Zo violence in Jiribam was often led by a controversial anti-insurgency paramilitary called the Manipur Commandos, led by Nectar Sanjenbam, a retired colonel of the Indian Army whom the Biren Singh government had deputed to the district.
In my reporting, a clear pattern emerged where Zo villages that the UNLF(P) and Arambai Tenggol had failed to overwhelm in attacks were then raided by the Manipur Commandos and units of the Manipur Police and the Central Reserve Police Forces under Sanjenbam’s command. Following a few such raids, the Assam Rifles in the district refused to work alongside Manipur Police units in operations. Jiribam’s police superintendent, M Pradip Singh—a Meitei officer, unlike in the other hill districts—has also kept out Kuki leaders from negotiations he organised of Hmar and Meitei leaders.
The complete loss of access to Jiribam town, the only part of the district with a somewhat functional road connection, has left the tribal hill regions in complete isolation and near starvation. The only route for people to leave and for supplies to enter is a laborious more-than-hour-long ride on rudimentary boats across the Jiri and Barak rivers to Hmarkhawlien, in Assam’s Cachar district. Following the outbreak of violence in June, more than a thousand Zo internally displaced people fled to several camps in Hmarkhawlien, though this number has since reduced. The Meitei IDPs in the town are closely monitored by Arambai Tenggol, who already have bases nearby and it would require only another outbreak of misinformation such as the one in June for violence to flow over across Cachar district, which has approximately a quarter million Meiteis and a little over fifty thousand Hmar. With the Manipur government’s determined frustration of any peace in Jiribam, and a continued siege of the tribal hill tracts of the district, this becomes not a possibility but an eventuality. What Jiribam shows is also that, unlike much liberal reportage which suggested the situation in Manipur would improve following the BJP’s conclusive defeat in Lok Sabha elections in the state, the violence has only persisted, even increased in spread.
It appears the militias are even attacking Assam Rifles, the central paramilitary forces assigned to keep peace in some parts of Manipur.
Six kilometres upriver, in the village of Rani Veng, an Assam Rifles unit fortifying the village was attacked by Arambai Tenggol members, who opened fire with at least three AK-47s. Even after the unit issued warnings, the Meitei youth continued firing at the post. Bullet marks were still visible on the surface of the school building at Rani Veng when I visited in July. Arson, looting and vandalism continued well into 7 June. As videos of the arson started spreading, Meiteis living in rural Jiribam requested evacuation, fearing a counterattack. Within hours of them reaching a relief camp, Lamtai Khunou, a Meitei village, was set on fire. A Hmar group termed the burning of Lamtai Khunou as “retribution against Arambai Tenggol who initiated these violent acts” in a statement, referring to attacks on the Hmar villages of Vengnuam, Uchathol, Rani Veng and Songko Veng. “The tribals will no longer remain silent in the face of aggression,” the statement said.
There was no reason for the police to be unprepared for what happened on 6 June—the signs of what was coming were everywhere. The first was the UNLF(P)’s visible resurgence in Jiribam. On 29 November 2023, the union home minister, Amit Shah, announced a peace agreement with the faction, calling it a “historic agreement” that would see the militia joining the “democratic processes and … journey on the path of peace and progress.” By then, the fact that insurgent groups had a role in the violence was well known. I had reported from Pallel, in Kakching district, on 8 September, that more than thirty insurgents had dropped bombs on civilian homes and orchestrated violence, leading to arson, two deaths, and the displacement of more than five hundred people. It had also become clear that the insurgents were given safe passage by the Manipur Police on the directions of local politicians. Pallel, like Jiribam, was an ethnically-mixed town where insurgent groups were used to break community-led peace initiatives.
It is a very long piece and behind paywall. I wish I can share it in full. It describes how the state government, with the central government’s assent, cut out the army and other central forces out of peace keeping in Manipur while giving armed Meitei militants a free rein. That combined with the state sanctioned ethnic bigotry of Meitei dominated Manipur police led to heightened violence against Kuki and even other Zo groups and extortion of ordinary Meiteis. Peace agreements became useless because the government keeps Kuki groups out of the process.
Doesn’t mean central paramilitary forces and army always protect people. They can be oppressive too. But from what I understand when there are inter ethnic conflicts or majoritarian violence, the central forces tend to protect the targets.
Oh, they also attacked CRPF officials. The Hindu Bureau reports.
The Manipur Police have filed a suo motu case against valley-based armed miscreants who attacked a Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) camp on September 8, amid renewed violence in the State. At least 11 people have been killed since September 1 in the hill and valley districts of Manipur.
The civil society groups and students in the Meitei-dominated valley districts staged protests on Tuesday, often clashing with the police and the Central security forces, to demand the removal of Director General of Police Rajiv Singh and Security Adviser Kuldiep Singh, who is also the chairperson of the Unified Command, which is responsible for all security-related decisions in the strife-torn State. The protesters demanded that the Unified Command, which also steers the Central security forces, be headed by Chief Minister N. Biren Singh.
The first information report (FIR) registered at the New Keithelmanbi police station in Kangpokpi district said the company commander of the CRPF camp at Laimaton Thangbuh village had complained that on September 8, “unknown valley-based armed miscreants attacked the camp by indiscriminately firing from 5.30 p.m. to 6.40 p.m.”
That may also be a reason why the Meitei students are asking the central government to remove some centrally deputed police officers as well as central paramilitary forces from Manipur. The students have been protesting asking for removal of these officers. However, they support the state government. The Manipur government imposed an internet ban and then lifted it partially after the protests.
The thread below asks some good questions.
Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty reports for the Wire about the tapes.
New Delhi: The Commission of Inquiry set up by the Ministry of Home Affairs to inquire into the Manipur violence has been provided with an audio file – claimed to be a recording of chief minister N. Biren Singh – which, if correct, would be evidence of official complicity in the ongoing civil war that has been raging in the state since May 3, 2023.
The Wire was informed by the purported maker/s of the 48-minute recording that it was done in person at a meeting where the chief minister unmistakably indicated his partisan complicity in the ongoing violence. The sources, claiming anonymity on account of the threat to personal safety, told The Wire that this material has also been submitted to the Commission – along with an affidavit attesting to its authenticity from the person/s who made the recording at the chief minister’s official residence –and that protection and anonymity has been sought from the Commission as well.
In the video, the CM is heard talking about using bombs. In any case, the continuing civil war is not just an illustration of state government’s incompetence but its complicity.
Police to the Assault?
How helpful are the police in bringing justice to the victims of sexual assault or any other form of injustice in India? If you look at some of the cases in India, they seem to be more interested in beating up the survivors than justice or law and order. Here are two examples. Ilangovan Rajsekaran reports on a case in Tanjavur, Tamil Nadu for the Frontline.
In a disturbing incident, a 23-year-old woman was raped by a gang of six men, including two juveniles, at Pappanadu village near Orathanadu in Thanjavur district in Tamil Nadu.
What is most disturbing about the crime is the blatant display of impunity with which it was committed by the perpetrators. The woman was raped in her neighbourhood, next to her home, and in broad daylight.
The incident also highlights how the systemic flaws in the State’s criminal justice system have once again failed a rape survivor even after she bravely came forward to file a complaint against her attackers.
The main accused, a man known to the survivor, dragged her brazenly down the stairs of her house to an open shed adjacent to her house and raped her there with the aid and abetment of five of his friends. Incidentally, the woman’s father was sleeping inside the house at the time of the crime.
When the young woman resisted, she was repeatedly stabbed in the shoulders and neck with a broken beer bottle. The terrified woman could not raise an alarm or alert the neighbours. After the criminals left in two motorbikes, the exhausted and terrified survivor gathered herself together and told her father and her sister’s husband about what had been done to her.
Neither the police nor the doctors showed any empathy.
The family decided to take action against the culprits, but little did they realise that a long round of agony and Kafkaesque horrors awaited the survivor. According to local sources and media reports, when she, along with her father and brother-in-law, went to the Pappanadu Police Station to file a complaint, the Sub-Inspector on duty at the time instructed them to go to the All Women Police Station at Pattukottai.
When the three went to the Pattukottai Police, the personnel on duty told the woman to obtain a medical certificate from a government hospital. The hospital authorities, however, refused to provide her a medical certificate until she had first registered her complaint with the police since it was a rape case.
The exhausted survivor had to take a late-night bus to Orathanadu, 25 km away, to reach the Orathanadu Police Station and file her complaint. The Orathanadu police took her statement and referred her to the government hospital for medical examination.
By now, seven hours had elapsed between the occurrence of the crime and the recording of her statement. An FIR was filed the next day, August 13, at 7 am, 16 long hours after the rape was committed.
I also read a newsclipping in twitter about a case where the police officer beat the woman and then said they would file fake charges against her. Then, charges of trafficking were filed against her despite it being against the law. The police officer who did this was a woman. As were some of the police officers in the Tanjavur case.
Sukanya Shantha reports for The Wire on: A Killing, Beatings, Maimings and Rape: The Extraordinary Torture of the Pardhi Community at the Hands of MP Police
But the police, who the families identified as cops of the nearby Jhagar police chowki, soon surrounded the house. The team comprised male officers, all armed. As the family and guests scattered in panic, the police began indiscriminately thrashing everyone, they say. From old people to little kids, no one was spared. A six-year-old with hearing and speech impairment was beaten and his arm was broken.
Deva was taken into custody, and his uncle Gangaram Pardhi, who tried to reason with the police by explaining that Deva was about to get married in a few hours, was also picked up.
It was around 4:30 pm when Deva and Gangaram were taken to the Jhagar police chowki. The family members and others who had gathered for the wedding soon followed the police to the Jhagar police chowki.
In time, other Pardhi villagers too arrived at the police station, only to see Deva slouched at one corner, the turmeric on his face now mixed with his blood. Commotion broke. An FIR was registered against the family members for “obstructing the police”.
The emotionally-charged villagers insisted that Deva be allowed to at least marry. “They rebuked us and used filthy language against Deva and his young bride. Asked us if we also wanted to have the suhaagraat (wedding night) celebrated at the police station,” a relative says.
The police in India are the perpetrators of abuse.
Death of a Veteran Communist
The General Secretary of Communist Party of India (Marxist)—CPI(M)—died yesterday. Tributes have been pouring in and I thought to share a couple. One from Gyan Prakesh (academic, US based) writing in Scroll.
I met Sitaram Yechury for the first time in 1973 when we both joined Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi. Full-fledged academic programmes in many academic wings, including the School of Social Sciences, to which we both belonged – had started only the previous year. Classes were held in what we called “Old Campus,” the building belonging to the National Academy of Administration. The freshly built student dormitories, named after India’s rivers, were located on the “New Campus” a 10-minute walk to the new permanent campus that was under construction.
Meant to honour the memory of Jawaharlal Nehru, the university’s academic design was heavily influenced, as I discovered later from my research, by the plan suggested by Douglas Ensminger, the American Ford Foundation chief in New Delhi – a fact that would have shocked us had we known about it then.
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Sita was from a Telugu background but fluent in both Hindi and English. After graduating from St. Stephens, he had not chosen the Delhi School of Economics, the coveted institution for the subject, but JNU because it offered a new way of studying economics. This openness to the new in him was evident when we met.
I took immediately to Sita. He was affable and charming, smiled easily and was always ready to banter good humoredly. He was initially not associated with any student political organisation but keenly interested in political questions. We became friends, and he spent several nights in my Kaveri hostel room, discussing and debating politics well into the early morning.
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These discussions involved national and international matters. More immediately, they engaged with student politics in JNU. The Students’ Federation of India, affiliated to the Communist Party of India (Marxist), was the dominant force on campus, but its domineering ways had alienated many, leading to the formation of the “Free Thinkers”, an organisation that professed to believe in thoughts unencumbered by political and party affiliations.
However, the Students’ Federation of India and the All India Students' Federation, associated with the Communist Party of India, formed an alliance and won the student union elections.
As an AISF member, I tried to recruit Sita. But with the support for Indira Gandhi a mill around the AISF’s neck, it was a hard sell. Sita joined the SFI. I reacted by telling him that he would find it difficult to live with the SFI’s domineering style. But he was convinced by its political ideology and programme. However, this did not come in the way of our friendship. Sita remained Sita – friendly, ready to share chai, go to watch movies, engage in discussions on books we had read.
Gyan Prakash is Dayton-Stockton Professor of History, Princeton University, and was a student at Jawaharlal Nehru University.
And another from Sobhana K Nair for the Hindu. There are multiple people writing for the Hindu about him but I think this one is the official obit.
He was born on August 12, 1952 into a Telugu-speaking family in Chennai. His father was an engineer in the Andhra Pradesh State Road Transport Corporation and his mother a government servant. He grew up in Hyderabad till the Telangana agitation of 1969 brought him to Delhi. A gold medallist in economics, Mr. Yechury graduated from St. Stephen’s College, Delhi. He chose the newly established Jawaharlal Nehru University over the Delhi School of Economics for his Master’s — a choice that steered his career in an entirely different direction. He was drawn to the irreverent academic atmosphere of the new university where the faculty addressed the students by their first names and expected the students to address them by theirs. In an interview to The Hindu in 2020, he recalled, “In my entrance interview, there were three very senior professors. Suddenly one of them asked, ‘Do you smoke?’ I said, ‘Yes.’ So he said, ‘Then light one up.’”
It was that smoking that probably caused the respiratory issues that led to his death at 72. My grandfather died of lung issues at 72 for the same reasons. The doc said smoking in his youth damaged his lungs. He was also a communist (though I think he was not a direct party member; or not when I knew him).
It was here that his political career began. He made a name for himself as the JNU Students Union President for forcing Indira Gandhi to resign as the Chancellor of the university. The students refused to allow the then Vice-Chancellor, B.D. Nag Chaudhary, to enter the campus. The government, in response, issued orders to close the university. But the students and the faculty together ensured that the university continued to function as usual. The library was open 24 hours, all classes were held and the mess was running. This went on for some 40 days. “There was a shortage of money. I remember, we sent out students to the Sarojini Nagar market and Connaught Place with placards around their necks which read, ‘University is functioning, the V-C is on strike’, to collect money to run the university,” he recalled in the interview.
Indira Gandhi, even after her defeat in the Lok Sabha election, had been holding on to her post as Chancellor. The students led by him marched to her house demanding her resignation. “There were 500 of us. Her aide told us that only five of us can go in to meet her. But when we insisted, she herself came out. We read out our resolution against her which was full of litanies, but she heard stoically. I handed over the resolution to her and she took it politely too. Couple of days later, she resigned,” he said. This incident was recorded in the famous photograph of Indira Gandhi standing stoically next to a dishevelled Yechury holding a resolution in his hand and surrounded by students.
He, along with his predecessor Prakash Karat, was instrumental in making the JNU an impregnable Left bastion.
Here is the photo.
He is the man holding the letter. He was arrested during Indira Gandhi’s Emergency since CPI(M) did not support Gandhi. The Communist Party of India (CPI) did support her because of nationalisation of banks. The nationalisation of banks turned out to be a good thing though.
So many journalists have said what she said.
I had meant to share A.G Noorani’s obituary last week but ended up having to share other news.
Yechury was a coalition builder and I am sure he will be missed when trying to form opposition alliances. Not to mention the fact that the left has been steadfast in holding onto its principles in the face of not just BJP but other forces as well. Oh, not the Kerala CPI(M), which has gone into the territory of corruption in the past decade under our current Chief Minister. But at India level and in many other states, despite low electoral chances, it is CPI(M) or CPI leaders who always speak and agitate diligently for the Adivasis and Dalits.
Maldives
Ministers Resign Over Comments on Modi
An AFP report published in the Dawn says that two ministers who had made some sarcastic comments about Modi have resigned.
MALE: Two Maldivian ministers resigned on Tuesday, months after their suspension following a furious spat with India for alleged “derogatory remarks” against Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
President Mohamed Muizzu suspended three ministers in January for their remarks, including one calling Modi a “clown”.
The now ex-ministers had criticised Modi following his visit to promote the Indian territory of Lakshadweep, a cluster of atolls just north of the Maldives, as a tourist destination.
Modi posted photographs of himself snorkelling, and suggested the islands should be on the list of any tourist.
It seems to have been in advance of a visit from Maldives’ President to India.
Maldives-India Relations
India held a reviews meeting of Greater Mali Connectivity Project. AFP report in the Hindu.
In a significant development, the High Commission of India posted on their official X (formerly known as Twitter) handle about Ambassador Munu Mahawar, India’s co-chair, welcoming Minister Abdulla Muththalib to the 12th review meeting of the Greater Male Connectivity Project at Videsh Bhavan in Mumbai.
This meeting marks the first time the review has been held in India, highlighting the strong commitment to the flagship development cooperation project between India and the Maldives.
The review meeting focused on the substantial progress achieved in the Greater Male Connectivity Project, a major initiative aimed at improving infrastructure and connectivity in the Maldives. Both sides acknowledged the milestones reached and engaged in discussions on measures to ensure the project’s timely and successful completion.
The Greater Male Connectivity Project is a cornerstone of the bilateral development cooperation between India and the Maldives, reflecting the close ties and collaborative efforts between the two nations.
The project’s progress and the discussions held during the meeting underscore the shared commitment to enhancing regional connectivity and infrastructure.
The Press Trust of India (PTI) reports on Maldivian President Muizzu’s visit. Published in the Hindu.
Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu will travel to India on an official visit "very soon", his spokesperson said on Tuesday (September 10, 2024).
Heena Waleed, the chief spokesperson at the President's Office, announced Mr. Muizzu's visit on a day when two junior ministers, suspended in January for derogatory comments against Prime Minister Narendra Modi — resigned from the government.
She said that while the exact date for the trip is yet to be finalised, the two sides are discussing a date, which is of convenience to the leaders of both countries, the Sun Online news portal reported.
"The President is scheduled to visit India very soon. As you are aware, such trips are scheduled for a time of maximum convenience to leaders of the two countries. Discussions regarding this are in progress,” she said during a press conference.
Mr. Muizzu, known for his pro-China leanings, visited New Delhi on June 9 to attend Prime Minister Modi’s swearing-in ceremony. Unlike his predecessors, who made the first port of call to New Delhi after assuming office, Mr. Muizzu travelled to Turkiye first and to China for his first state visit in January.
Heads of the states from India's neighbourhood and the Indian Ocean region attended Modi's oath ceremony. Mr. Muizzu said he was delighted to receive Prime Minister Modi’s invitation and “equally delighted” to have attended the event.
On his return, Mr. Muizzu described his first visit to India as a "success" for the Maldives and the region following talks with India's top leadership and said that the strong ties between the two countries will lead to increased prosperity for the Maldivians.
External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar visited the Maldives in August — the first high-level trip from New Delhi after Muizzu assumed office in November last year.
I think that Muizzu has decided to be more friendly towards India so that Maldives is not solely dependent on China for support given their economic difficulties. Of course, India still had to withdraw its military from the country.
Mangrove Island
Malika Shahid writes for the Edition about the Mangrove island in Maldives.
Kendhikulhudhoo boasts the most extensive mangrove coverage in the Maldives, with seven distinct mangroves dotting its landscape. These wetlands are not only a sight to behold but also serves as an ecological haven for a wide variety of flora and fauna. Here, visitors can embark on guided tours through the mangrove forests, where they can experience a world alive with the rustle of leaves, the calls of seabirds, and the tranquility of still waters.
Kayaking along these mangroves offers a chance to intimately explore the labyrinthine waterways that snake through the lush greenery. As you paddle, you’ll find yourself surrounded by Small-Leaved Orange Mangroves (Kan'doo), Red Mangroves (Ran’doo), and Yellow Mangroves (Karamana), their roots tangling in the crystal clear water below.
For those more inclined towards exploring the land, a visit to the mangroves, locally referred to as "Kulhi" is an opportunity to see the ecosystem’s vibrant bird species such Cattle Egret (iruvaihudhu), Common Sand Piper (fin’dhana), Black Crowned Night Heron (raabondhi), Yellow Bittern (dhon’raabondhi), Grey Heron (maakana), and Greater Sand Plover (bondana) make their home in these wetlands, filling the air with their songs and fluttering wings.
Okay, this looks like a promote tourism piece. Still, it is interesting.
Challenges of the Ageing
Malika Shahid writes for the Edition about the challenges facing the ageing population.
Addressing the challenges posed by an aging population requires a comprehensive and multi-faceted approach. The Maldives government is working towards the implementation of several strategies to mitigate these impacts and ensure adequate support for its elderly citizens.
- Promoting Active Aging
Encouraging active aging is crucial to ensure that the elderly remain healthy, engaged, and productive members of society.
Under the current administration of President Dr Mohamed Muizzu, the "Israhvehinge Naadhee," a social center for senior citizens, has been inaugurated in Malé.
This center offers a range of activities and a designated space for social gatherings. President Muizzu emphasized that the establishment of such centers across the country marks the end of sidelining the elderly in the Maldives.
“This government will mainstream prioritizing senior citizens,” President Muizzu said.
The article starts by giving the demographic data for Maldives and the history of population growth if you would like to give it a read.
Myanmar
Those who Sinned Against Democracy
Naing Khit writes for the Irrawaddy about the worst sinners against democracy in Myanmar.
The people of Myanmar enjoyed the right to vote for more than a decade after the country restored its independence in 1948. Three elections were held to select governments in 1951-52, 1956 and 1960. All were free and fair. Through the elections, citizens of the country were able to elect the government or leader they preferred. The country was run by elected governments and laws were enacted by elected representatives in parliaments.
Myanmar was one of the earliest countries in Southeast Asia, perhaps in Asia, to introduce democratic elections. It was a proud nation before the first sinner destroyed it.
General Ne Win was the original destroyer of elections and the electoral system in the country. March 2, 1962 was doomsday for Myanmar’s elections and all the fruits that elections are expected to bear—elected government, elected parliaments and the whole system of parliamentary democracy.
Shortly after the stroke of midnight on the morning of March 2, Gen. Ne Win sent his troops and tanks into Yangon with orders to seize all important government buildings, including the presidential residence and the parliamentary building, and the houses of all cabinet members of the elected government.
Before dawn, Gen. Ne Win’s mission was accomplished. President Mahn Win Maung (an ethnic Karen), the elected Prime Minister U Nu and his 11 cabinet members were arrested and sent to detention centers. The only two ministers who escaped arrest were traveling at the time.
Gen. Ne Win’s verbal order to arrest officials extended to many elected members of parliament. More than two score lawmakers were arrested in Yangon, including all ethnic Shan MPs, one of whom was Sao Shwe Thaike, who had served as the country’s first president after independence. In November, eight months after his arrest, he died mysteriously in prison. Many people believe he was killed.
The president, prime minister and all the arrested cabinet members were imprisoned for several years. The general claimed the coup was a last resort as the country was on the brink of a civil war between the central government and ethnic armed groups. But if such was the case, he should have engaged in dialogue with the elected government rather than staging a takeover.
Naing Khit is a pseudonym used by Kyaw Zwa Moe, executive editor of The Irrawaddy, when he went into hiding in the wake of the 2021 coup.
It shares the history of democracy in Myanmar and is interesting.
Interview with Arakan Army Chief
Irrawaddy has published an interview with AA chief Tun Myat Naing. Interviewer: Aung Zaw.
Aung Zaw: Resistance groups are steadily gaining control in Kayah (Karenni) and Karen states, with the notable exception of Loikaw. These groups are beginning to provide effective local governance, justice, healthcare, and education for the communities they serve. External organizations are also increasingly offering support in these efforts. Likewise, in Rakhine, the Arakan Army is expanding its jurisdiction over territory and the local population. Given these developments, how are you addressing challenges related to governance, justice, healthcare, and education in regions you control?
Tun Myat Naing: Under the ceasefire before clashes resumed in 2023, we established the Arakan Authority to handle general governance and public affairs. This team oversees services such as healthcare, the judiciary, and policing. We also founded the Arakan Public Policy and Administration school to nurture our youth and improve the systematic functioning of our government. However, continuous clashes and seizures of towns have disrupted the former government’s systems and public services, presenting significant challenges during this transitional period.
Despite the presence of schools, teachers, and willing parents, we are unable to reopen schools due to ongoing security concerns. The junta’s air force has been indiscriminately bombing both military and civilian targets in areas we control, necessitating the suspension of school activities to ensure student safety.
In terms of healthcare, we are facing shortages of medical supplies despite assistance from certain organizations, which must remain anonymous. Amid these challenges, our people are using every available resource to procure medical supplies and provide treatment for patients.
AZ: You said the AA is operating not only in Rakhine but also elsewhere across the country. You mentioned Karen State, and we have witnessed AA action in southern Chin State. The AA is also reinforcing KIA and KNU territory as well as northern Shan State, though Rakhine State is your main area of operation. So, what is your ultimate aim?
TMN: In Myanmar, most revolutionary forces are being driven by their own ethnic agendas. However, after 70 years of civil conflict, it has become clear that focusing solely on one ethnic goal will not lead to a comprehensive victory. Even if we were to drive junta troops from all our territories, they would only retreat temporarily.
Currently, we lack political stability and need to establish military security.
Initially, our efforts were centered on Rakhine’s national interest, but working with various allies across Myanmar has given us a clearer perspective on the situation. We have come to realize that we are not alone in our struggles. Alongside our “Way of Rakhita,” we have been collaborating with many allies, addressing both our local needs in Rakhine and supporting our partners in their territories as we confront a common enemy.
Despite the ethnic and border disputes that exist between various Myanmar groups, we share a unifying factor: the oppressive junta military council. This common enemy presents an opportunity for unity. We must leverage this shared cause to effect meaningful change. In Chin State, although there have been conflicts and disputes, we are working carefully to resolve these issues.
As Angshuman Chowdhury pointed out on twitter, sadly no questions about the Rohingya.
That is it for today. Until next Friday, everyone. Stay safe. Be well. Take care.
May the strife end across the world and may there be just peace.
