I was taught to venerate 1776 and the American Revolution (1775–1783), but I have never truly examined what the revolution was and was not. Perhaps I was seduced by Thomas Jefferson’s stirring words: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.” These words hinted at what would later become the American Dream, a term coined by James Truslow Adams in The Epic of America (1931). Adams described the dream as “a land in which life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement.”
Following World War II, the American Dream became a fixture of national identity. In 1963, Martin Luther King Jr. rekindled its power, declaring, “I have a dream,” as he envisioned a more inclusive and equitable society. He called for freedom to ring across the nation, a vision echoed in the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Yet, this dream remains unrealized for many, as systemic inequality persists.
From Lincoln’s vision of America as “the last best hope of Earth” to Reagan’s invocation of John Winthrop’s “city upon a hill,” patriotic ideals have elevated America’s self-image. The idea of American exceptionalism was ironically coined in the 1920s by American Communists to explain why a Marxist revolution was unlikely in the U.S., an opinion that Stalin did not share.
From this, American exceptionalism grew to become the belief that the U.S. is fundamentally different from other nations in its values and opportunities—and better, superior. It has justified domestic and international actions that often favor elites. And now we have a President-elect who wants to purchase Greenland, seize the Panama Canal, by force if necessary, and annex Canada as Americas 51st state—Manifest Destiny reborn.
The Revolution that birthed America’s ideals was not the sweeping transformation we are led to believe. It is worth looking at what it was and was not, which has not been taught in our schools.
The American Revolution: What It Was
1 A war for national sovereignty: The colonies sought independence from Britain to establish their own governance, control their economy, and manage foreign relations.
2 A response to imperial overreach: It was a protest against unjust British interference, including taxation without representation and trade restrictions.
3 A movement for economic freedom: Colonial elites aimed to remove British constraints on commerce and land acquisition to expand their wealth.
4 A fight for political control: By casting off British rule, colonial elites secured self-governance and protected their political and economic interests.
5 An opportunity for expansion: Independence opened the door for westward territorial expansion, e.g. colonialism, reinforcing elite power through land acquisition.
6 A moment of ideological change: Enlightenment ideas inspired the Revolution’s rhetoric, shaping documents like the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, including the Bill of Rights.
The American Revolution: What It Was Not
1 A unified movement: Patriots and loyalists were deeply divided, and even among patriots, disagreements over governance were significant. (See below.)
2 A struggle for immediate transformation: The Revolution did not dismantle existing social or economic hierarchies.
3 A push for systemic change: The elites designed a system to protect their own interests, with political power largely restricted to property-owning white men.
4 A movement for equality: Slavery persisted, women remained disenfranchised, and Native Americans faced ongoing displacement, violence, and genocide.
5 A class-based uprising: The Revolution was led by elites, with little regard for the working class, enslaved people, or marginalized groups.
6 A call for universal religious freedom: Many states maintained official religions, and certain groups continued to face restrictions.
If we are now what the American Revolution imagined, which I think we are, we have been betrayed. Over the past 50 to 75 years, wealth inequality in the United States has accelerated dramatically. Gerrymandering and voter suppression have corroded democracy, rendering Congress impotent, controlled by elite interests. The Supreme Court, increasingly partisan, tips the scales of justice to favor economic elites and an imperial Presidency. Taxation no longer serves to redistribute wealth meaningfully or invest in the common good, while the national debt soars. And now, a convicted felon, billionaire president-elect signals an authoritarian turn, i.e., “a dictator on day one,” surrounded by oligarchs ready to exploit a broken system—who collectively prove that there is nothing exceptional about America—a profoundly imperfect union.
The American Revolution that many venerate was not a revolution for the many but a consolidation of power for the few. However, we should not forget the revolutionary voices at that time that envisioned a very different America embracing the radical ideals later seen in the French Revolution. Thomas Paine, in “Common Sense” and later works like “The Rights of Man,” advocated for expanded democracy, social welfare, and the dismantling of aristocratic privilege. Radical factions in cities like Boston and Philadelphia pushed for greater equality and wealth redistribution, and the Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776 stood out for its progressive measures, including universal suffrage for tax-paying men and the abolition of property qualifications for officeholders. Abolitionist voices, such as Benjamin Rush and John Laurens, called for the end of slavery, highlighting the contradiction between liberty and the continuation of bondage. Shays’ Rebellion (1786–1787), though post-Revolution, reflected the frustrations of poor farmers and the working class who demanded debt relief, fair taxation, and equitable representation. These radical calls were suppressed by the Revolution’s elite leadership, who prioritized political and economic independence from Britain while maintaining social and economic hierarchies, fearing the instability and upheaval that deeper reforms might have brought.
To honor these true revolutionaries, America must confront this legacy of inequality and exclusion. The time has come not for another dream, but for the revolution we never had, a revolution where liberty, equality, and justice are more than aspirational words, but the foundation of a nation reborn.
