Papers, please.
No different than deputizing Elon’s personal security, King Krasnov now is ‘nationalizing’ the police, because short of a Night of the Long Knives, he’s ret-conning Nazi Germany.
There is no invasion, but somehow we’re all combatants.
Erik Prince has proposed designating a section of a foreign prison as US territory to bypass American immigration laws.
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This is shocking. Read full article. Explosion of these agreements since trump inauguration, turning not just local police but also agencies such as finance departments and fish and wildlife commissions into immigration enforcement agents during them performing their “routine duties.”
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— Oxana Shevel (@oxanashevel.bsky.social) April 15, 2025 at 8:26 PM
Then Trump happened. In one of his first executive orders in 2017, President Trump instructed the Department of Homeland Security to revitalize the 287(g) program by “empower[ing] State and local law enforcement agencies across the country to perform the functions of an immigration officer in the interior of the United States to the maximum extent permitted by law”10—language that Trump would use again in the executive order titled “Protecting the American People Against Invasion” issued on the first day of his second administration.
During Trump’s first administration, the number of 287(g) jail enforcement agreements doubled to about 80—a significant expansion to be sure, but jail enforcement agreements alone did not represent a historic expansion compared to the Obama years. Instead, the Trump administration, specifically Thomas Homan11 as far as I can tell, invented a new 287(g) agreement to get around legal challenges that had made sheriffs nervous about getting involved in federal immigration enforcement. The Warrant Service Officer model of 287(g) more narrowly delegated to local law enforcement agencies the power to execute federal civil immigration warrants.
This alone contributed to a sudden spike in 287(g) agreements between the start of 2019 and the end of 2020, reaching over 150 active agreements at a single time and heavily concentrated in Florida but also in North Carolina, Georgia, and Texas. Unlike the early expansion of 287(g) during the Obama administration, the growth of 287(g) in 2019 and 2020 did not result in a directly observable growth in national deportations.12 In either case, the administration did not draw much attention to the expansion of the 287(g) program and the enormity of other immigration policies at that time, including family separation and Title 42, meant that few people outside of specific policy circles paid much attention to 287(g).
In short, between 2010 and 2020, 287(g) went from being the central controversy of national immigration enforcement policy to being largely an afterthought.
austinkocher.substack.com/...
A group of prominent military contractors, including former Blackwater CEO Erik Prince, has pitched the Trump White House on a proposal to carry out mass deportations through a network of “processing camps” on military bases, a private fleet of 100 planes, and a “small army” of private citizens empowered to make arrests.
The blueprint — laid out in a 26-page document President Donald Trump’s advisers received before the inauguration — carries an estimated price tag of $25 billion and recommends a range of aggressive tactics to rapidly deport 12 million people before the 2026 midterms, including some that would likely face legal and operational challenges, according to a copy obtained by POLITICO.
The group, which includes some former immigration officials, is led by Prince, who has close ties to Trump, and Bill Mathews, the former chief operating officer of Blackwater, the military contractor known for its role in providing security, training and logistical support to U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan during the war on terror.
www.politico.com/...
