interesting, but not surprising take on last night's outcome. Here the DLC had a chance to be magnaminous, but no...they chose to gloat.
DLC | New Dem Daily | January 20, 2004
A Vote for Hope Over Anger
Two months ago, when former Gov. Howard Dean's campaign appeared to be running away with the Iowa caucuses, Sens. John Kerry and John Edwards spoke to the Iowa Jefferson-Jackson Day Dinner, and made the same prophetic point: Democrats need to offer answers, not just anger.
Now the Democratic wing of the Democratic Party has spoken: Iowa was a landslide victory for hope over anger.
The word "stunning" hardly does service to the performance of Kerry and Edwards in Iowa. Up against all of Howard Dean's endorsements and organization, Kerry and Edwards each won more delegate shares (the arcane measurement used to judge success in Iowa) than Dean and Rep. Dick Gephardt combined.
Kerry's victory and Edwards's strong second weren't just stirring comebacks for those two campaigns. They represent an inspiring comeback for the Democratic Party.
Iowa was also a triumph for a Democrat who wasn't on the ballot: the original Comeback Kid, Bill Clinton. The Dean campaign has done everything it can to run away from Clintonism, even calling the historic progress under Clinton nothing more than "damage control." By contrast, Kerry and Edwards followed the Clinton playbook: First, show the country that Democrats will be as tough on terror as Bush. Second, tell Americans something they don't know about the Bush administration and won't like when they find out. Third and most important, put forth a positive vision of what a Democratic presidency will do for America that George W. Bush won't.
While Dean defined himself as everything Bush is not, Kerry and Edwards set their own course for the country. They supported the war against Saddam Hussein and refused to raise taxes on the middle class and those who aspire to join its ranks. But they also pledged muscular internationalism to unite the world against terror, a return to fiscal discipline and Clintonomics, bold plans to expand opportunity for the forgotten middle class, and a challenge to Americans to give something back through national service.
Indeed, the Iowa results represent a vindication for the Blair Democrats who supported the war in Iraq. Even Democrats with serious doubts about Iraq want America to succeed there, and want a nominee who can pass the test as Commander in Chief.
Dick Gephardt's fourth-place finish appears to have finished his campaign, but he will leave the center stage as he entered it: as a class act. He, too, sought to give Democrats an ideas primary instead of an anger primary. And his steadfast refusal to backtrack on his support for the war in Iraq, at great peril to his candidacy, will be remembered as a profile in courage long after this nomination contest is forgotten.
Now the race moves onto New Hampshire, where two other impressive New Democrats -- Sen. Joe Lieberman and Gen. Wesley Clark -- will have their chance as well. Money and region still make Dean the favorite. But Iowa wasn't just a poor finish for Dean; the results undermine the central premises that have fueled his campaign up until now. Democrats desperately want to beat George Bush, and want a nominee who will expand the party's appeal, not limit its reach. Voters want a positive vision, not just a negative one. Candidates with an optimistic vision do more to bring new voters to the polls than candidates without one.
In fact, Kerry and Edwards generated so much excitement among rank-and-file Democrats that the Iowa caucuses turned into a virtual primary. We still prefer open primaries to caucuses, but this year, longtime New Democrat Gov. Tom Vilsack was right about Iowa, and Dean and the DLC were wrong: The people voted, and not the special interests.
Democrats and independents should rejoice: It's a wide open race now, with several viable candidates, plenty of time for Democrats to hear their views, and a powerful endorsement for the politics of hope.
