Toward a More Perfect Union: A Prescriptive Approach — War and National Security
VIII. War and National Security
War
Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution gives to congress (among other powers) the power to declare war. This power does NOT rest with the executive. Even when confronted with the massive Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, President Franklin Roosevelt still sought congressional approval to declare war on Japan in 1941 – and rightly so. While precedents exist to allow the president to take limited military action in exigent circumstances, the war-making authority rests with congress.
In 2001, congress authorized the president to take military action against the terrorist organization known as Al-Qaeda and its ally in Afghanistan known as the Taliban. However, it made a gross error in leaving the authorization wide open as to time limits and scope. Since then, three different presidents have used this open-ended authorization to justify a number of continuing wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, and neighboring regions. This has occurred without the approval and with the tacit complicity of congress.
When we enter a war, we should at least require the president and congress to answer the following questions realistically:
- What is the goal?
- What is the endgame?
- What needs to be accomplished for the United States to be able to leave?
- How long will that take?
- How many lives will be lost?
- How many will be wounded?
- How many civilians will become refugees?
- Who will care for them, and how?
- How much money will it all cost?
- How will those costs be covered?
These questions were not dealt with in 2001 and afterwards, thus incurring trillions of dollars in unplanned costs for our adventures in Iraq, Afghanistan, and other middle-eastern nations, dollars that should have been used at home to help our own population.
This situation needs to change. Any military action, outside of a declared war situation, which is more involved than a quick mission to rescue someone or to protect our own people on the ground is one that needs congressional approval. Additionally, the strategic goals and limits listed above need to be specified in this approval, and the changing of those goals (moving the goal posts, so to speak) also would require approval from congress. This has not happened in the years since 2001. And now we are actively targeting sites in Syria. This is yet another situation that cries for congressional approval. A congress that is not derelict in its duty would demand an act of authorization and would ask the much-needed questions.
National Security
In the larger picture involving national security, we also have problems. In just over a year, we have had three national security advisors. The first was fired when information about his covert communications with Russia came to light, though only after the news became public and not when the administration was first informed of the problem. The second was fired (“forcibly resigned”) because the president did not like his measured approach to international conflicts. The third is the most virulent and non-diplomatic war hawk that could be found.
Executive branch mismanagement of communication with enemies (North Korea, Russia, Iran) and allies (South Korea, United Kingdom, France, Germany, etc.), combined with frequent changes in direction and diplomacy-by-tweet, serve only to encourage foes and dismay friends. That which ought to be kept secret is too often made public by ill-advised presidential verbal diarrhea, and that which should be made transparent is too often hidden. As our nation’s standing in the eyes of the world plummets along with the world’s realization that we cannot be relied on to stick to our ideals and our promises, we are rapidly frittering away our national security.
The current executive shows a complete disregard for national security, as well as an abrogation of the pledge to protect and defend the Constitution. When the complicity of most of the majority party is taken into account, we are faced with a severe dereliction of duty by both the congress and the president. This alone should be sufficient to justify impeachment of both the president and those complicit in his incompetence. Since that scenario is unlikely, it behooves Americans who care about national security and international good will to vote in massive numbers whenever the opportunity arises to oust from office those who compromise that security.
Veterans
The debt we owe to our veterans has already been alluded to when discussing the VA, but that debt deserves additional commentary. Those who put their lives and well-being on the line to defend our nation deserve more than we give them. It matters not if the conflict in which they participated was “good” or “justified”; it only matters that these veterans took that risk for the rest of us. We may not agree with the rightness of the war or of the veterans’ politics, but we owe them respect and support.
Veterans returning from World War II in 1945 were feted and welcomed in a fitting manner, but veterans of more recent wars have not enjoyed a similar experience. Korea became “the forgotten war”, and Vietnam “the unjustified war.” Grenada, Panama, Desert Storm, and the anti-terrorist efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan have likewise been largely ignored by all but the participants. Politicians and jingoistic flag-wavers pay a lot of lip service to veterans – usually on Memorial Day and Veterans Day – and then ignore veterans’ real needs such as healthcare, PTSD treatment, and jobs.
A contributor to the problem arises from the fact that the wars since Vietnam have used volunteers rather than draftees. This results in a small proportion of the population being intimately involved in the war, and that small proportion is disproportionately called on to serve multiple tours of duty in the war zones. As a consequence we have a bifurcation where a limited number of our citizens are involved, and the majority of our society can blithely ignore the angst and suffering that war brings. What this means is that war can be treated as remote and glamorous when it is anything but. If we are going to fight wars, the whole population should be required to participate in some manner so that we all share its burdens more equally. War is ugly, and – if we are determined to fight – we need to have our noses shoved into it so that we all participate and we all are aware of the pain and suffering. This would of course lead to a greater reluctance to fight unless under dire circumstances. Note that the war in Vietnam came to an end only after the draft was introduced and nearly all families were potentially affected by it. Popular opposition to that war was what brought it to a close.
The horror of war is such that a declaration of war against an enemy should be accompanied by a reinstitution of the draft. This would insure that the pain and misery is more evenly distributed in our population, making war a much less popular and desirable option. An all-volunteer fighting force sounds good on paper, but it makes war much more likely by our ability to corral the lower classes (with fewer economic options) into the service to do our fighting for us.
Treason
The only crime defined in our Constitution is treason. In Article III, Section 3, it states, “Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying War against them [i.e. the states], or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort.”
The prima facie evidence is clear that the Trump campaign, including its namesake, engaged in collusion with a foreign enemy in order to tilt the election in 2016. Should the special counsel exhibit proof of that, then treason is the crime. Additionally, as discussed previously, there is the disregard for the Constitution that he has sworn to “protect and defend,” making clear his crimes against our Constitution. Since It is also clear that Trump has engaged in obstruction of justice, governing by whim, and pathological lying, there is no justification for his being allowed to remain in office. If convicted of treason, prison is the appropriate punishment.
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Facts and Reality are stubborn, and they do seem to have a liberal bias.
Your vote is your voice; do not be silent.
There are still many topics in need of attention — for example, agriculture and our overuse of prisons — but there is only so much that can be covered at one time.
Review previous essays:
Return to Part 1 — Prologue
Return to Part 2 — Voting & Election Issues
Return to Part 3 — Gerrymandering & Courts
Return to Part 4 — Congress
Return to Part 5 — President and DOJ
Return to Part 6 — Campaign Financing
Return to Part 7 — Lying and Ethics
Return to Part 8 — Sexism and LGBT
Return to Part 9 — Abortion & Church/State
Return to Part 10 — Guns
Return to Part 11 — Healthcare & VA
Return to Part 12 — Big Pharma
Return to Part 13 — Environment
Return to Part 14 — Energy
Return to Part 15 — Education
Return to Part 16 — Economics
Return to Part 17 — Unions, Safety Net
Return to Part 18 — Homelessness
Return to Part 19 — Trade, Tariffs
Return to Part 20 — Media
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Above is the twenty-first (and — for now — the last) of numerous submissions wherein I suggest ways our country, our government, and the world can be made better. I am an old fart in my 70’s and have seen much: the turmoil of the 1960’s; Vietnam (where I served as an infantry officer and was awarded a purple heart and other medals); the anti-Vietnam protests (in which I participated while still in uniform); Watergate, the rise of the right wing attack on the poor and powerless during and after the Reagan years; the continued wars in Grenada, Panama, Iraq, Afghanistan and pretty much everywhere else; the Clinton years, the invasion of Iraq in 2002 and the never-ending war since; the brief glow of sunshine during the Obama years; and now Trump. While my dog in this fight is getting long in the tooth, I still deeply care about three things: my country, my country’s honor, and the future we leave to our descendants. My personal history, other than military service, includes college teaching, computer support, hospital IT supervision, consulting, and now — in my retirement — substitute teaching.
I make my recommendations in all seriousness, recognizing that most of them are not immediately attainable. Nevertheless, if we elect people who share our values as our representatives at all levels of government, we can accomplish much.