Hello, everyone. Good morning, afternoon or evening, and welcome to this edition of Elsewhere in Focus. You can find all the articles in the series here (along with my other diaries).
As some of you might know, Sudan is in the midst of a civil war, aided and abetted by regional powers such as Chad, outsiders such as UAE, and global powers such as Russia. I had introduced you to the conflict a few weeks back and we had looked at how the year in conflict had affected Sudanese, especially Sudanese sharing updates on the conflict with the world, when the one-year anniversary came around in April.
The war continues, with the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) besieging the city of El Fasher and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) bombing civilian infrastructure and persecuting grassroots activists while trying to keep RSF at bay. El Fasher has been the city of refuge for many people who fled ethnic cleansing and violence in the rest of Darfur. As such, the conditions are abysmal and the rest of Sudan is not far better.
Thus, here we are talking about Sudan once again.
Trigger warning: Mentions of rape and sexual assault.
Plus, long read.
Sudan: Ethnic Cleansing and World Negligence
What Is the Current State of War?
As per the Guardian Observer’s editorial on the conflict, 150,000 have already been murdered in the conflict (11 May 2024).
It’s Sudan, war-torn, desperate – and largely ignored. Upper estimates of the number of people killed there since a senseless civil war erupted just over one year ago reach 150,000. About 9 million residents, principally in the western Darfur region, have been displaced. Aid agencies say 25 million people are in need of urgent assistance. The future cohesion of a country already cleaved by the 2011 secession of South Sudan and conscious of next-door Libya’s disintegration is at stake.
On the Richter scale of modern horrors, such dire statistics make Sudan the world’s worst humanitarian emergency. There are many others of similar magnitude, of course – the conflict threatening to tear Myanmar apart, the anarchy besetting Yemen, the famine looming over Ethiopia, the endless, pitiless misery of Somalia and Haiti. Yet no matter how these vast human tragedies are measured and counted, they, unlike the hugely publicised, minutely scrutinised Israel-Hamas war, have a basic common denominator: neglect.
Sudan briefly caught the headlines last week, not because the world’s wealthier nations, their leaders and media outlets suffered a sudden fit of conscience, but thanks to an independent, well documented and very graphic investigation by Human Rights Watch (HRW). It concluded that a seven-week campaign of killings and abuses early last summer by Sudan’s rebel Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and allied Arab militias against the Massalit people and other non-Arab communities around West Darfur’s capital, El Geneina, involved multiple war crimes and crimes against humanity, and amounted to ethnic cleansing.
Note: 150,000 is a huge number. Bloomberg also gives the same number of 150,000. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN OCHA) puts the count near 15,000. NYT also gives 15,600 number. There is no doubt that that is likely an under count. Given mass graves that have been discovered, the Sudanese expect the death count to be far higher, so 150,000 may be closer.
A key factor in the death and displacement is RSF’s ethnic cleansing of non-Arab Black tribes in Darfur. Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a report on last year’s violence there on 9th May. Aptly named: “The Masalit Will Not Come Home” (9 May 2024).
The events are among the worst atrocities against civilians so far in the current conflict in Sudan. The total number of dead is unknown. Sudanese Red Crescent staff said that on June 13, they counted 2,000 bodies on the streets of El Geneina and then, overwhelmed by the numbers, stopped counting. Two days later, on June 15, a large-scale massacre took place. The UN panel of experts on the Sudan estimated, citing intelligence sources, that between 10,000 and 15,000 people were killed in El Geneina in 2023.
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A short bout of clashes broke out on April 24 between the SAF and the RSF, and then the RSF and allied militias attacked majority Massalit neighborhoods. They clashed with predominantly Massalit armed groups, including forces from the Sudanese Alliance, led by the late state governor, Khamis Abdallah Abbakar, as well as Massalit men—primarily youth—loosely organized and mobilized in local “self-defense groups.”
Over the next weeks, and even after Massalit armed groups lost control of their neighborhoods, the RSF and allied militias systematically targeted unarmed civilians, killing them in large numbers. Adolescent boys and men were especially singled out for killings, but among those unlawfully killed were also many children and women. The RSF and allied militias also appear to have targeted injured people as well as prominent members of the Massalit community, including lawyers, doctors, human rights defenders, academics, community leaders, religious figures, and local government officials.
Women and girls were raped, and detainees were tortured and otherwise ill-treated. The RSF and allied militias methodically destroyed civilian infrastructure. They looted on a grand scale, and they burned, shelled, and razed neighborhoods to the ground, homing in on neighborhoods and sites, including schools, hosting primarily Massalit displaced communities.
Thousands of civilians, mostly men and adolescent boys, but also younger children including babies, older people, and women were killed in less than two months, and thousands more were injured. A retrospective mortality survey conducted by Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders, MSF) in three refugee camps in eastern Chad concluded that there were 167 violent deaths in the households of 6,918 people from El Geneina. This amounted to a staggering mortality rate of 241 per 10,000 people, marking a 23-fold increase in the male mortality rate and a 11-fold increase in the women’s mortality rate.
During their campaign, RSF fighters and allied militias used derogatory racial slurs against Massalits and people from other non-Arab ethnic groups. They told them to leave, that the land was no longer theirs, and that it would be “cleaned” and become “the land of the Arabs.” Ahmad, 41, a Massalit man, recalled, in an interview with Human Rights Watch, forces telling fleeing civilians: “No Massalit people will live here!” and “No Nuba will live here!” and “No slaves will live here!”
Throughout the seven-week campaign, SAF soldiers largely hunkered down in their barracks, unable or maybe unwilling to protect the population. The UN Panel of Experts found that, “throughout the attacks, [the SAF] failed to protect the population.”
The report is 218 pages long and gives decades old background of the conflict (you might remember the ethnic cleansing twenty one years back), timeline, details and milestones in the ethnic cleansing campaign, destruction of neighbourhoods, attacks on Arab communities, international law applicable to the situation, government forces’ inaction and other relevant material. It ends with recommendations for the stakeholders including RSF, SAF, allied militias, humanitarian agencies, International Criminal Court (ICC), and independent fact finding mission.
As the Observer editorial linked at the top says, the international response has been negligent.
The response of actors from the regional and international community to the unfolding atrocities has been muted, in line with their lackluster engagement on Darfur and Sudan in recent years. Since April 2023, these actors were repeatedly warned, including by the UN Panel of Experts, about events unfolding in West Darfur, and, instead of expanding the scope of UN engagement, many failed to even condemn the violations of an existing arms embargo on the region, let alone act to prevent further atrocities. Actions to punish and deter arms embargo violations by the UN Security Council were nonexistent, and any positive developments were few and far between.
In July 2023 the office of the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) said it was opening investigations into recent abuses in Darfur as part of its broader mandate in the region, stemming from a UN Security Council referral in 2005. In October, the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva established an Independent International Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) for the Sudan, but its investigations were significantly delayed by a liquidity crisis at the UN, at time of writing.
The humanitarian response in Chad has been woefully underfunded and struggled to provide adequate basic support for the tremendous needs of a massive population that has suffered such extreme violence. Over 88 percent of the refugees are women and children; most have received paltry humanitarian support to date.
The HRW report also notes SAF forces’ negligence and civilian deaths due to their use of “explosive weapons.” This is important to remember. As the report reminds us, RSF used to be a part of/ally of SAF before the generals’ falling out. They were as complicit in earlier ethnic cleansing and genocidal campaigns against non-Arab Black tribes in Darfur. And in the current war, they have remained either mute spectators or worse have contributed to the deterioration of the situation by cracking down on grassroots resistance committees, activists and peaceful organisation.
The reports on atrocities continue to appear. For example, as per a recent Associated Press (AP) report from Fatma Khaled, RSF has been using fire to destroy neighbourhoods in Sudan (13 May 2024).
CAIRO (AP) — Fires resulting from the fighting in Sudan destroyed or damaged 72 villages and settlements last month, a U.K.-based rights group said Monday, highlighting the use of fire as a weapon of war in the conflict in the African country.
Investigators from Sudan Witness, an open-source project run by the nonprofit Center for Information Resilience, say that more blazes than in any other month since the war started in mid-April 2023. The number also brings to 201 the total number of fires in Sudan since fighting broke out between Sudan’s military and the rival paramilitary force.
The analysis didn’t provide any casualty figures from the fires.
In the war in Sudan, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces have often used fire, setting entire villages ablaze, especially in Sudan’s western Darfur region.
Imagine the devastation.
These are reports of past atrocities. Just as bad are atrocities that threaten. For example, the city of El Fasher is under siege from RSF. UN has been raising the alarm about what might face its people should the city fall. As per the UN Situation Report (11 May 2024),
On the morning of 10 May 2024, clashes between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and forces from the armed movements against the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) renewed in Al Fasher, North Darfur State.
The clashes, including airstrikes and the use of heavy weapons, started mid-morning in the eastern part of Al Fasher Town and continued until 6:30 pm. The clashes extended into the centre of the town, the outskirts of the main market, and into neighbourhoods resulting in civilian deaths and injuries. An estimated 850 people (170 families) were displaced to various locations across Al Fasher locality due to the clashes, according to the International Organization for Migration Displacement Tracking Matrix (IOMDTM) Flash Alert: Conflict in Al Fasher locality report. People have reportedly fled from areas to the east and northwest of Al Fasher Town to areas south of the town. Emergency Response Rooms (ERRs) and the Coordination Council on the ground in Al Fasher are trying to respond to the affected people. Although the clashes have stopped, there are concerns they may resume soon.
The Statement from Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Sudan pleads for the actors to observe international law (11 May 2024). Of course, that requires the international community to do more than moan about Sudan’s “forgotten” or neglected war.
What Is the Humanitarian Situation?
If the murders, violence, dispossession and displacement are not enough, you have the hunger. A Reuters special report from Maggie Michael gives a long read on the looming hunger in Sudan (30 April 2024).
There is so little food in some areas of Sudan that people are taking extreme measures to survive.
In the Al Lait refugee camp, they are eating dirt.
The impoverished camp, located in North Darfur, has seen a new influx of displaced people as Sudan’s year-old civil war has brought fighting to large swathes of the country and a campaign of ethnic cleansing to Darfur.
It is not just in Darfur though people of Darfur are particularly vulnerable.
Hunger and starvation are spreading across Sudan, as the war that erupted in April last year between the Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) shows no sign of abating. The outlook is dire, according to interviews with over 160 civilians caught in the fighting and more than 60 aid workers and food security experts, as well as a review of food surveys by aid agencies. Reuters reporters also spent close to a week in Omdurman last month, one of three cities that comprise the capital Khartoum, interviewing people who had suffered severe food shortages.
Parts of Sudan are on the brink of famine – a brewing crisis that is man-made. Agriculture has been ravaged as farmers have had their harvested crops stolen by the RSF and fled their lands due to the violence. Hunger, not just fighting, is now driving displacement as people leave home in search of food. Malaria and other diseases are spreading among the displaced. Key aid hubs have been looted by the RSF and its allied militias. And international aid arriving in Sudan is being blocked by the military from reaching people in areas where starvation has set in.
“Sudan’s war has created the world’s largest hunger crisis,” said Anette Hoffmann, author of a report on the food emergency in Sudan by the Netherlands-based Clingendael think tank. “We will likely see a famine that we haven’t seen in decades.”
The Sudanese army and RSF did not respond to detailed questions for this report. Sudan’s foreign ministry, part of the military-led government, has said it is committed to facilitating the delivery of aid, and has accused the RSF of looting and blocking aid. Lieutenant General Ibrahim Jaber, the military’s second in command, has said that Sudan “will not fall into hunger” and had “more than it needs.” Some Khartoum residents said the army has at times provided limited amounts of food relief amid the fighting.
The RSF has denied looting, saying any rogue actors in its ranks will be held responsible, and has blamed the army for obstructing the delivery of aid.
People across Sudan are taking increasingly desperate measures to survive. In West Darfur, farmers whose lands were plundered by the RSF have eaten the seeds they bought for planting because they have run out of food. In the Kordofan region, people have sold their furniture and clothes to get cash for food. In Khartoum, residents under siege in their homes have picked the leaves off trees and boiled and eaten them.
Reports indicate that 6% to 40% of Sudanese would experience famine if the harvests are lean.
Almost 18 million people in Sudan – more than a third of the nation’s 49 million people – are facing “high levels of acute food insecurity,” according to the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), a globally recognized hunger monitor. The IPC also estimates that of this group, nearly five million people are one step from famine. Immediate action is needed to “prevent widespread death and total collapse of livelihoods and avert a catastrophic hunger crisis in Sudan,” the IPC said in March. The group added that it has been unable to update a projection it made in December because of data gaps in conflict areas and internet and phone outages in much of Sudan.
The Clingendael report has drawn three possible scenarios for Sudan. The most optimistic one projected that 6% of the population will face famine. In the worst case, 40% of people would endure famine during the lean season between harvests, which starts in May and runs to September.
In some places, people are already dying. Doctors Without Borders has reported that an estimated one child is dying on average every two hours in the vast Zamzam displaced persons camp in North Darfur – a result of disease and malnutrition.
You can find a regular brief of the situation at UN OCHA.
What Are the Options Before the International Actors?
First. Do not repeat the mistakes of the past. A major one has been forcing civilian representatives and grass roots organisations to work with military and paramilitary leaders instead of keeping them at a distance. Dr. Gerrit Kurtz looks at the path that Sudan took from revolution to war in his paper: “Power Relations in Sudan after the Fall of Bashir: From Revolution to War” (5 May 2024).
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Since Bashir’s fall in 2019, the security forces have twice tried in vain to establish sole military rule. The civil-military transitional government also failed because the military still had considerable power resources at its disposal. Sudan’s political elite contributed to this outcome by paying too little attention to the establishment of transitional institutions and too much attention to its own visibility.
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International actors who wanted to strengthen Sudan’s transition process could have repelled the security forces more decisively instead of reflexively accepting them. Many international as well as Sudanese efforts suffered from the fact that they viewed the inclusion or exclusion of the security forces as a binary issue.
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A new non-inclusive, elitist deal with Sudan’s violent entrepreneurs will not bring peace if there are no civilian forces at the table. Instead, Sudan’s best chance lies in the social capital of its citizens’ voluntary commitment to humanitarian aid, democracy and local reconciliation.
The report goes into each of these bullet points in detail. You can read to see not just how the international power players failed Sudan but how they typically fail other countries facing similar situations. Instead of depending on military leaders and power hungry politicians, international actors should have empowered grass roots resistance networks who actually brought down the Bashir regime. But be it in Sudan or Haiti, the powerful such as US, Europe or Saudi Arabia are loathe to do that.
One can imagine the dislike that Saudi monarchy holds for democracy. What excuse does Western Europe or US have?
Second. Take punitive actions against the violators of international law be it insiders like RSF and SAF or outsiders like UAE and Wagner.
And here is where you see that the actions of powerful democracies go beyond negligence or well-intentioned mistakes. You don’t need to look farther than Western attitude towards UAE.
Before we go into that, let us look at why UAE’s actions in Sudan merits attention. Amgad Fareid Eltayeb writes for the Africa Report about UAE’s tactics that hurt Sudan and South Sudan (1 May 2024).
A report by the United Nations Panel of Experts on Darfur, under Security Council Resolution 1591, accused the UAE of supporting the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), citing compelling evidence, unveiled earlier this year. Its report documented the UAE’s conversion of Chad’s Um Jaras (Amdjarass) airport into a military and logistical supply hub for RSF weapons.
The report presented ample evidence of the UAE’s violation of the resolution’s arms embargo on Darfur. The UAE’s support for the RSF in Sudan’s war included using its political, economic and media influence to promote the militia and its leaders, as well as providing them with political sanctuary, a safe haven for their leaders and facilitating their movement across the region.
During the 2023 UN General Assembly, witnesses reported seeing Yousif Izzat, a Canadian national and advisor to the militia leader General Mohamed Hamdan ‘Hemeti’ Dagalo. The UAE provided Izzat with an identification badge to freely enter and move within the UN headquarters.
However, the UAE’s support steadily evolved into an attempt to economically strangle Sudan to ensure RSF’s future institutional political existence in the Sudanese arena. This reveals the UAE’s intentions in plundering Sudanese resources in a mafia-like way. The UAE, which de facto controls Sudan’s gold resources, also seeks to deprive Sudan of its other national income resources.
I recommend reading the full article and, if and when you have the time, the UN report.
UAE has been equipping RSF and, just like Wagner used to do in Sudan, is using RSF to exploit Sudanese resources that rightfully belong to Sudanese. Yet, there are no sanctions on UAE. Instead, US is mild in its criticism of and actions against the country. Why is that? Jonathan Fenton-Harvey writes for the New Arab (14 May 2024).
And as Washington's influence in Africa wanes, while Russia and China’s clout expands, the Biden administration has found its capacity and resolve to restrain Abu Dhabi increasingly limited.
“At this moment in world affairs, it feels like the US needs the UAE far more than they need us. That means on an issue like Sudan, where Washington is trying to get Abu Dhabi to moderate its behaviour, it has very little leverage to use without putting at risks other asks it has of UAE,” Cameron Hudson, senior fellow at CSIS who also served with the CIA and State Department in Africa, told The New Arab.
In terms of broader US-UAE relations, Abu Dhabi has grown disillusioned with the Biden administration, notably on the conditions of US weapons sales and perceived lack of commitment in the face of Iran's network of regional proxies.
Since the Biden administration could seek Emirati political and financial backing in reconstructing Gaza following Israel’s war, Washington may be hesitant to impose punitive measures on Abu Dhabi for its involvement in Sudan.
There’s also the issue of weakening American diplomacy prior to Sudan’s descent into civil war. Although the US brokered the transitional government in July 2019 between civilian groups and the military, Washington ignored concerns that the post-revolution agreement was at breaking point.
That continued lack of diplomacy has evidently enabled Sudan’s descent into civil war and currently doesn’t look set to improve.
“The fact is that we have had a Special Envoy for Sudan for almost 3 months now and he has made only a single day-long visit to UAE, arguably the most determinative external party to the conflict,” added Cameron Hudson.
“If we were serious, he would be authorised to camp out in Abu Dhabi and Sudan would be a talking point in every senior-level interaction with Emirati officials and it just isn’t.”
Apart from sanctions, there is also the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) watch list. Reuters report from Rachna Uppal and Hadeel Al Sayegh details UAE’s delisting from FATF (23 February 2024).
The Financial Action Task Force (FATF), a body that groups countries from the United States to China to tackle financial crime, on Friday dropped the UAE from its 'grey list' of around two-dozen nations considered risky.
The Gulf country, a magnet for millionaires, bankers and hedge funds, was placed under closer scrutiny in 2022, when the FATF highlighted the risk of money laundering and terrorist financing involving banks, precious metals and stones as well as property.
The delisting is a coup for the one-time regional pearl and fish trading hub which is now one of the world's wealthiest nations after the discovery of oil in Abu Dhabi in the late 1950s.
The delisting is a coup because it is not a reflection of UAE’s activities.
Nonetheless, the delisting jars with the assessment of European officials.
The European Union lists the UAE as a high-risk country for money laundering and terrorist financing, alongside more than two dozen other states such as South Africa, North Korea and Afghanistan.
The bloc's financial markets watchdog ESMA last year barred European banks and others from clearing trades with the Dubai Commodities Clearing Corporation.
Markus Meinzer, director of policy at the Tax Justice Network, which campaigns for financial transparency, said the removal of the UAE showed the FATF list was ineffective.
BERLIN — Germany, the U.S. and several other Western countries are pushing a global money-laundering watchdog to give the financial system in the United Arab Emirates a clean bill of health despite persistent indications that the country remains a haven for illicit transactions, according to European oversight officials and others familiar with the matter.
The Paris-based Financial Action Task Force (FATF) placed UAE on its so-called gray list, effectively a shot over the bow of wayward financial jurisdictions, in March 2022, citing serious deficiencies in UAE’s measures against sanctions evasion, terror financing and other crimes.
The designation, which put the country just one step away from FATF’s dreaded “blacklist,” was a significant reputational blow to the Middle East’s largest financial center and also threatened to impair the country’s long-term credit ratings, though that has yet to happen.
The following twitter thread—and I am sorry for including it in the diary but twitter remains the first point of information (and yes, disinformation) especially on under reported or under investigated stories—connects the dots for us. I am citing them because this is where I found the FATF connection.
Third. Fund Aid.
As per UN OCHA, the international community has met only 11.00% of the funding requirement to meet humanitarian needs in Sudan. This is despite the Sudan fundraiser in April, which as per Sudanese, claimed to raise USD 2 Billion but included a lot of already promised money that is yet to materialise.
There may be other actions that experts would recommend. You can see some of Sudanese diaspora’s demands in Newsline (13 May 2024).
‘The BBC doesn’t mention the £420 million of weapons sold by British arms companies to the UAE.
‘Politics is a dirty game. The BBC and the government are the proprietors of the game.’
Ziyad Kashan, a member of London for Sudan, spoke at the rally at the end of the march, saying: ‘This Tory government, as others have said, is complicit in the war in Sudan.
‘Some of the Tory Party, like Nadeem Zahawi when he was in government, have actively lobbied on behalf of the UAE, including trying to get a deal done for that country to buy the Daily Telegraph and also property deals involving them.
‘Foreign Secretary David Cameron has also lobbied for the UAE.
‘We demand that the government divest any money and arms being sold to the UAE who support the RSF.
‘We want a civilian government in Sudan. We call on all MPs to call for an end to selling arms to countries involved in what is a proxy war. We want peace in the country and we carry on our fight until we get it. We will not stop.’
As you can see, UAE comes up. Divestment comes up. Active action comes up. All of that is applicable not just to Britain but US and Europe (and other countries) too.
US, Germany, Britain, and rest of the West are not walking the talk. They use Sudan to deflect from their complicity in Palestine as Kholood Khair notes below. Yet, they do nothing for Sudan either.
It Is a War Neglected or Facilitated Not Forgotten
I will leave you to remember what Kholood Khair wrote for Dawn Mena about the forgotten war: Forgetting Sudan's War Is a Privilege Sudanese Don't Have (19 April 2024).
The grim paradoxes of this war are evident when remembering that 20 years ago, the genocide in Darfur garnered an official U.S. designation of genocide and became an international cause célèbre, at the same time that the United States was waging its "Global War on Terror" by invading Afghanistan and Iraq and bombing other Muslim-majority countries. But today, despite renewed genocide in Darfur and a famine across Sudan, the world shrugs, and celebrities aren't rallying to "Save Darfur." The international community has apparently still not sufficiently assessed that genocide and famine are indeed underway in Sudan. By the time more data is gathered and any official determination is made, many more people will have been killed as a result of both the famine—in a country that has been a breadbasket for the region—and the genocide against the Masalit and other non-Arab ethnic groups in Darfur, which has only restarted, not started anew.
And so, we have a useful framing of Sudan as a "forgotten conflict," as it has been described often and across media and policy spaces. This is inherently a characterization that privileges the onlooker—that forgetful observer who is perhaps riddled with other concerns, but just not the world's largest humanitarian disaster. It is also an excuse for those whose job is to work toward a resolution of this conflict to, instead, do very little. In the West, this is a direct result of a delusional and hypocritical foreign policy that creates alliances with countries working against the West's stated (but rarely adhered to) principles like respect for human rights. These foreign policy failures have directly led to an abandonment of responsibility toward Sudan and given rise to the bizarre trend of decision-makers cosplaying as helpless advocates, a situation as oxymoronic as it is frustrating. Various international envoys, U.N. officials and world leaders are spending their time bemoaning the state of affairs in Sudan—and elsewhere—rather than exercising the functions of their offices to make the necessary structural changes to address the crisis.
Media and policy attention often go hand-in-hand, but when policymakers publicly lament the lack of media attention on a crisis, they are placing the responsibility on activists—not themselves or other policymakers—to make the requisite changes to address the crisis. And given the lack of attention on Sudan already, Sudanese activists themselves are already faced with a Sisyphean burden of working to maintain attention on their country's plight. A hollow foreign policy that is not rooted in respect for international law or humanitarian principles means that genocide in one context, say Sudan, must be ignored so that the genocide elsewhere could be too, say in Palestine, or Xinjiang.
What Can We do?
Continue to raise awareness. Continue to make our vote matter wherever we are and then ask our representatives, candidates, universities, institutions to walk the talk instead of playing games of geopolitical greed.
Seek out information on Sudan and share. Support Sudanese.
Continue to call out anti-Black racism wherever you may find it. Anti-Blackness lead to exploitation of African resources while neglecting African needs.
That is it for today. I hope you will read it through even if long. Until next Wednesday, everyone.
May all of us have the will and the power to work towards building a more just, egalitarian world, until all minoritised and discriminated people everywhere are free.