Amidst our California primary election coverage, we have a bit of a debate raging over at the
Courage Campaign blog over the relative merits of the pre-primary state party endorsement of candidates.
Join me over the flip.
As many of you know, the California State Democratic convention was held in April where delegates
endorsed several statewide candidates in the Democratic primary, among them Dianne Feinstein for Senate, Phil Angelides for Governor and Debra Bowen for Secretary of State.
For me the endorsements were merely another piece of the puzzle, yet another reason to vote for a candidate I already liked and perhaps also reason to ignore a candidate I didn't.
On Saturday, Courage Campaign head and former California campaign chairman for the Howard Dean campaign, wrote an Op Ed in the L.A. Times arguing that in fact this pre-primary endorsement was akin to cutting the democratic process off at the knees. Hell, if the party's just going to vote for the candidates, why do the voters even bother?
The question is far more than academic. Wrangling in advance of the votes at the convention was fierce. Some candidates for the Assembly paid the airfare and hotel costs of delegates to get them to turn up to vote for them. In the case of many legislative races, the party endorsement is tantamount to victory because the districts are so absurdly gerrymandered as to make a Democratic victory in June an automatic victory in November.
In a heavily contested race, such as for governor, a party endorsement means a huge "bump" in the polls, the right to send mail at a much cheaper rate than opponents get and the ability to push money through party bank accounts, thereby legally skirting donation limits. As we can see from the heated Democratic primary battle for governor, it by no means guarantees a victory, but it sure helps.
Who are these people who decide that a candidate is "endorsed by the California Democratic Party" weeks before the primary vote? The answer explains the rapid decline in party registration while "decline to state" increases by leaps and bounds. The party's organizational chart shows the 7 million or so registered Democrats at the bottom with a confusing array of lines and boxes up the page to the pinnacle, where sits the central committee. If that sounds vaguely Soviet, it should.
In other words, Jacobs argues, the party apparatus endorsing candidates prior to the election is just another way for the party powers that be to solidify their power (a la redistricting) and we voters should be very worried since it limits our choice and, thus, limits democracy. Imagine if the national party endorsed a presidential candidate prior to the primaries?
But Nathan Gonzales of Latinos For America (and a Dean alumnus himself,) sees it differently. For him, the state party endorsements actually give a voice to the activist base of the party, a voice that might otherwise be drowned out by a well-funded noise machine of television, radio and direct-mail ads. In addition, a party's endorsement, whether in the form of funding from the DCCC or a state party vote, can give a leg up and added exposure to a candidate that truly does represent the values of the base of the party.
As Rick states, when a party plays favorites, regular voters are "cut out." But since 2004 I've also been encouraged by the activism of the party itself - that is, the tried-and-true activists who make up the convention delegation, executive board and other decision-making bodies of the State Democratic Party.
It is those activists who during this election cycle have resisted attempts by wealthy candidates to buy their way into power. In a state like California, where intimate, candidate-to-voter contact like we see in Iowa is virtually impossible, electioneering centers around the most expensive (and least personal) forms of outreach: television, radio, mass mailers and "robo-calls." Convention delegates are seasoned voters who make an honest effort to sift through all of the ultra-expensive spin to find a candidate who truly represents Democratic values. These delegates are mostly progressive, and most have been involved in a life of selfless activism for the party. More importantly, since the election of Howard Dean as Chair of the DNC, a shock wave of accountability has permeated state parties across the country, making the
process of endorsement even more transparent.
[snip...]
This election cycle, the party endorsement has allowed the Democratic primary to be decided based on something more than merely the best sound-byte television advertising money can buy. It gives voice and a measure of influence to the committed progressive activist base of the California Democratic Party.
It's an interesting debate. On one hand, shouldn't each candidate have to prove himself to voters on equal terms? But on the other, if a candidate excites the base of a party, shouldn't there be an outlet to express that prior to the primaries? Hell, look at Connecticut. The state Democratic party convention there actually lent further momentum to the candidacy of Ned Lamont, the outsider candidate, by virtue of the fact that he excited the base.
So what say you? Is the state party convention apparatus a tool of keeping party power or is it ultimately going to be how progressives "crash the gates" and overthrow entrenched power?
UPDATE: David Scholnick, an actual delegate for Angelides at the state convention, gives his first hand account and comes out strongly on the side of endorsements.
To me the point of being politically active is to win over opinions and win votes. I want to matter more than my one vote. At the California Democratic Convention in April, not only did I vote to endorse Phil Angelides, but I convinced four or five other delegates to vote for him. It paid off, too. The endorsement gave Angelides a nine point bump and now he's able to compete against Steve Westly and his personal fortune.
I didn't lean on anyone, threaten anyone, offer any jobs, or pay for anyone's flight. I just made sane arguments. It's worth mentioning that no one paid my way to Sacramento either, but if anyone would like to pay my way the next time...
Only 2 candidates in the 8 statewide races left the convention with endorsements. One of them, Debra Bowen for Secretary of State, was a shock to a lot of party insiders. The Assembly, Senate, and House endorsements were decided locally, though some were challenged at the convention and one was overturned. The delegates I saw came in all sizes, ages, and colors.
now blogging at The Courage Campaign