It wasn't just Iraq; it may not have been even mostly Iraq. It was everything. Part of the genius of the American system is that it is geared to reward a competent leader who sticks to the time-honored basics of politics. It is not a stretch to suggest that Woody Allen's famous maxim about success can hold for presidents - 80 percent of it is just showing up.
Bush never did when it counted, leaving an even simpler maxim for the next president - Never Again.
That is the final paragraph of a new book by the great Tom Oliphant, formerly a terrific op ed writer for The Boston Globe. The full title of the book is Utter Incompetents: Ego and Ideology in the Age of Bush. I strongly recommend the book, to which I will more completely introduce you below the fold.
In order to give you a proper sense of the book, I am going to follow the structure, which is an introduction, 16 chapters, and a conclusion entitled "Lessons" from which I took the opening blockquote.
Before I do let me point out one weakness of the book, something I found annoying. While I have no doubt that Oliphant is well connected and widely read, there are no citations offered for the statements he makes: no footnotes, no endnotes, nor is there the modern equivalent offered, a webpage which provides that information. Other than a few minor misstatements that I could identify (and which will not otherwise be mentioned), that was the only deficiency I could identify in the book.
The book begins with a brief "Acknowledgment," in which Oliphant explains how at first he rejected the blandishments of his publisher Tom Dunne, to write such a book, beginning in the Spring of 2005. Katrina changed his mind. Oliphant notes that he and Dunne recognized a hole in the coverage of the Bush administration. There were analyses of Iraq and its aftermath, and the usual insider accounts.
What was missing was a search for explanations of how one administration could goof with such astonishing regularity; whether the issue was natural disasters, wars, taxes, energy, health care or Social Security - a search for common themes and habits that could help a reader understand the gap betwen the economy Bush portrayed politically and the economy Americans actually lived in, not just between blind hope and ugly reality in Iraq . . . Gradually a picture emerged strongly suggesting that this fish rotted from the head and that the administration handled taxes in much the same way as it plotted strategy in the Sunni Triangle. (p. viii)
That picture emerged from a detailed analysis of the public record.
Oliphant begins with a brief introduction entitled simply "Justice" and that starts with a quote from the former chief of the voting rights section of the civil rights division, writing in the LA TImes about the firing o the 8 US Attrorneys, which includes
A destructive pattern of partisan political actions of the Justice Department started long before this incident, however, as those of us who worked in its civil rights division can attest . . . (p.1)
Oliphant briefly shows how the US Attorneys scandal was typical of the administration, describing it as "classic, Bush-in-action, Keystone Kops governance" (p. 2).
And now to the 16 topics. For each of the 16 topics chosen by Oliphant, he begins with a quotation from Bush, on the public record, that sets the tone for what will follow. I will not go through all 16 in full detail - this review will be long enough as it. I will list the 16 topics, each in bold, with a brief description of each, before I offer some more detailed examination of a few.
SCREWING UP: examines the organization of the administration with little output from outsiders, and includes examination of the role plyaed by Cheney and the presence of four former CEOs at the cabinet level (including Cheney). Oliphant shows how strict adherence to the structure and the philosophy crippled the administration's ability to respond to the unexpected, noting here as he does throughout the book that Bush's rigidity lay at the core, and does not match the flexibility of Reagan and Bush's father, who as a result were in many ways more successful. There is one quote that summarizes all of this, and is applicable to all of the issues involved. From p. 21:
The ingredients for trouble on a grand scale are several: tight ruling circles; a strong penchant for insularity and secretiveness; intense ideological motivation with a strong mixture of hubris; strong ties to demanding interest group supporters; and an obvious backseat for the habits of traditional policymaking that emphasize transparency and the give-and-take of consensus building compromise. All have been present throughout the Bush presidency from health care to Iraq.
PUMPING DOLLARS This is an examination of how despite Bush's arguing in 2005 that we needed to get off foreign oil we have increased our dependence with tragic consequences. He covers the blocking of investigating Enron's ripping off of California and the increase in oil from $28/barrel when Bush took office to the $80/barrel at the time he wrote the book. There is also an examination of Cheney's various roles in these debacles.
UNHEALTHY In examining Bush's performance on healthcare, Oliphant notes the danger to a president of appearing as ridiculous. He warns
In health care, as in everything else, presidents are wise not to get flagrantly divorced from reality. What sounds brilliant in salons and think tanks can appear absurd in the real world (p. 41)
Oliphant examines how unrelated to the reality of most Americans Bush' approach to healthcare has been. He quotes a study from McKinsey & Company that the costs of administering, marketing and underwriting our current approach to healthcare upon which Bush has been attempting to build is nearly $100 billion, far more than the $77 billion the company estimates is necessary to fully fund a system of universal insurance.
HOT AIR We all know that Bush has been at least missing in action in the fight against global warming and climate change, if not actually directly obstructing any meaningful change. Oliphant examines this, and connects it with other actions in the scientific realm, for example, how the FDA has functioned, and the people Bush has appointed to head that critical agency. You might not fully agree with Oliphant's conclusion that for many conservatives and Republicans "Bush gradually came to be seem as large a threat to their beliefs as the most liberal Democrats - no more so than through his mishandling of global warming" (p. 67), but when he points out that Bush's dodging on global warming presents business interests and other conservatives that Bush's successor is likely to be a supporter of far more stringent regulation than could have been achieved under Bush.
THE MAYBERRY MACHIAVELLIS By now we all know the origin of this term from John De Iullio, first director of the Office of Faith-Based Initiatives. Oliphant ties Bush's actions in this realm with Bush's efforts on education (NCLB) prescription drug coverage and immigration. He notes the pattern of how Bush steadily lost support for initiatives that when he proposed them had decent or better support from the American people. Perhaps Oliphant's words about the faith-based initiative help explain why:
What happened ws that Bush ignored a basic fact of governmental life: the establishment of a new initiative is not te same as its effective implementation. Where major change is involved, presidents need to keep on selling and prepare to show results quickly or the coalition assembled for enactment will splinter. (p. 74)>
THE ECONOMY, STUPID Oliphant finds that unlike Reagan's flexibility on economic matters, including raising taxes, Bush - who lacked a common touch except perhaps on the subject of religion - was too tied to listening to his business cronies. Oliphant offers a mass of statistical information which show how bad things have become for most Americans during the Bush presidency. This chapter provides a wealth of ammunition for any Democrat who is running against a Republican with a history of supporting Bush on these issues. For example, just the higher housing costs have more than wiped out what minimal wage gains most Americans have received.
TAXING PATIENCE Oliphant notes how the approach to selling Bush's tax cuts parallel that of selling the war with Iraq, and he gives multiple examples of what he calls "a policy searching for a justification." He examines the results of these policies, and also the nefarious (and similar to that for the war) role played by Cheney. The administration was not blind to what was happening, as can be seen by these words from pp. 102-103:
Bush's political advisers noted that the AMT in practice applied more broadly in states and localities where the property, sales and income tax burdens were relatively high - in other words along the East and West Coasts, which were already trending Democratic and thus not considered worthy of the president's closest attention.
A SURPLUS OF DEFICITS this section is a pretty straightforward examination of how Bush and his Republican allies connived to get around the rules that might have at least lessened the ballooning of the deficit in order to accomplish their policy goals, including the reckless cutting of taxes for the wealthy. Oliphant provides a strong contrast with the presidents preceding Bush, who were all far more fiscally responsible.
THE THIRD RAIL Of course any examination of us's efforts on Social Security will show his utter failure, in this case as a political leader seeking enactment of a major policy initiative. Perhaps the key line from this section is one that is applicable to the entire examination of the Bush presidency, and can be seen on p. 134:
But what makes Bush unique is that he kept repeating his mistake, over and over again, with no change whatsoever in the political impact or the legislative nonresult.
Let me use this quote to offer my own observation - had the Congressional Democrats been more willing to consistently oppose Bush on his wrongheaded proposals, not only would Bush's approval rating be even lower than it has been, the Democrats would have had more success in their opposition and been better able to peel away enough Republicans concerned about their own political survival to have made some meaningful difference in what has happening, especially in this past year of nominal Democratic control. Perhaps we should insist that Pelosi and Durbin and Reid and Hoyer all be required to read this book?
MEDDLING Terri Schiavo. When Oliphant can quote Bob Barr in support of his criticism of Bush on a supposedly important moral and social issue, that shows how damaging this episode was. Barr's words appear on p. 148:
"To simply say that the culture of life or whatever you call it means that we don't have to pay attention to the principles of federalism or separation of powers is certainly not a conservative viewpoint."
Oliphant notes that only about one in 6 Americans supported the intervention. He also explores how the Bush approach on social issues is getting pushback, whether it is New England states eliminating restrictions on same sex relationships or South Dakota reecting a law banning almost all abortions.
DISASTER Katrina is emblematic of the failures and incompetence of this administration. Oliphant examines the gutting of FEMA well before the hurricane hit, whether it was putting political hacks in charge, removing the access of the director to the president, or the gutting of key staff:
By the time Katrina hit, nine of FEMA's regional directors were 'acting," and three of five division heads' offices concerned with natural disaster response were vacant. (p. 163)
. Or perhaps this brief quote form p. 167 can summarize:
Bush's behavior was a classic illustration of the truism that a presidency excessively focused on the politics of huge problems will end up with worse problems and even more political damage.
.
By now you should have a real sense of the scope and the approach Oliphant takes. Let me simply list each of the remaining five sections, with a very brief explanation of what the title means, and only a few additional quotes.
POLITICAL SECURITY Focuses on Dubai ports, including some serious conflicts of interest, and relates that to lack of response to warnings about terrorism. Also addresses issues like rail security and chemical plant security.
ENEMIES An examination of how civil liberties and legal protections have been gutted, starting with John Walker Lindh. I urge those who may have forgotten or never knew all the details to read this chapter carefully. It clearly shows how the administration used the incident to being gutting protections that might apply to us. Oliphant also examines what happened to our own Jessalyn Radack.
PRELUDE TO CATASTROPHE This covers Iraq, and fairly thoroughly, from the buildup on false premises through the invasion. Let me simply offer a brief quote from page 225:
It may be a hackneyed expression, but if Bush wanted to conquer Iraq in the worst way, he proceeded to do precisely that.
CATASTROPHE Let me offer Oliphant's first sentence, from p. 229:
COMPLETELY MESSING UP the affairs of a conquered and occupied country is no simple task for a president of the United States.
Obviously this is a continuation of the previous chapter. We learn that Bremer did not know he was being appointed until after the invasion was over and he was contacted by Wolfowitz and a Cheney aide. This is an example of what Oliphant hammers over and over about this administration:
Effective governments attack mistakes; the Bush administration's hallmark is compounding them. (p. 236)
.
ISOLATION This addresses our increasing diplomatic isolation. As Oliphant writes on p. 256:
Messing up foreign policy, virtually all of it, is every bit as astonishing a feat as messing up a war. It cannot occur as the result of just one huge mistake or a piece of unbelievably bad luck. It takes work over time, a series of connected blunders each building upon the previous one to transform an empathetic, supportive world into an international community that was largely indifferent to U. S. interests when it wasn't overly hostile.
In his conclusion, entitled LESSONS, Oliphant also deconstructs the supposed genius of Karl Rove.
President Bush, from the beginning, failed to understand the limits of partisan politics in governance, and opted for too much of the wrong kind - the partisan as opposed to the art of the deal. Rove was a symbol of Bus's misplaced governing emphasis, however not the cause. (p. 274)
Ultimately the cause is Bush himself, his insistence on governing through a small circle of close associates mainly through Texas, and some others who joined his campaign effort early on. Most of all, as is noted on p. 275, is the destructive role played by Cheney:
The result was still another layer of insulation as well as extreme beliefs about executive supremacy and secrecy that complemented Bush's own worst instincts. The result, instead of a helpful ally, was an eminence grise - too much Iago when even a Falstaff wold have been preferable.
This is an important book, one quite useful for ammunition in the process of political discourse. It can also serve as an appropriate set of warnings for whoever succeeds Bush in the White House, how not to do things.
Oliphant has never been as big a name among pundits as have others, despite his cogency on so many issues. I have taken the time to go through this book to encourage people to consider reading it. I have read nothing on the Bush administration that gives a more complete picture. You may not agree with all of his conclusions. Perhaps you are more inclined to view the administration as venal, or even evil. I would not necessarily disagree with that as an assessment of their intent, and perhaps Oliphant would also not quibble on that. His principal point, hoever, is that they could not even do bad things competently, that their overreliance upon ideology and secrecy prevented them from accomplishing many of their goals. I agree with that, and am also incredibly grateful for that incompetence: it at least leaves us with some hope that we can can reverse at least some of the damage they have done.
Read the book. You will find it worth the time.
Peace.