John Barrow once remarked to me that "they've got me busier than a cat at a fish fry" and well, the Georgia legislature did him no favors on the busyness front if he wants to stay in Congress. One decision, as I'll explain below, starts with which district to run in.
Without further ado, the full table of results is below:
Note: Early votes in Georgia, especially in 2008, made up a huge percentage of the vote, and, except in Gwinett County, were not allocated by precinct. The Georgia Legislative Council (I think that's the name) has a datafile that notes the number of people that voted in a given precinct, including early voters. Therefore, the method of allocating early votes among precincts is done differently than the usual proportional vote method to mesh with this additional data point.
There's very little (substantive) change in most districts - John Barrow clearly gets screwed, with his (now) base of Savannah completely removed and the Obama performance dropping 10% accordingly. Jack Kingston's coastal 1st absorbs these Democratic voters, boosting the Obama performance in his district 8 points.
A similar trade happens in the opposite direction between Sanford Bishop's 2nd (which oddly is still not majority-black VAP) and Austin Scott's 8th, with Macon transferred from the latter to the former. Bishop survived a close shave against state Rep. Mike Keown last cycle, but the lege realized it couldn't have it all - Bishop's district swings 4 points left and Scott's 5 points right.
In Metro Atlanta, very little changes - the three Democratic districts stay majority-AA and strongly Democratic. Tom Price's 6th gets 3 points more Democratic, as it retreats to be entirely Cobb, Fulton, and DeKalb (which, as an Illinoisan, I can't help but pronounce with the 'L' - sue me). While both Fulton and DeKalb overall are very Democratic, North Fulton is decidedly not so; North DeKalb is more swingy.
Similarly to the east, Rob Woodall's 7th stays largely stand pat but shifts northward, with parts of rapidly bluing Gwinnett dumped into Hank Johnson's 4th and the rest tempered by exurban (and heavily Republican) Forsyth County. Will these districts be competitive? Maybe towards the end of the decade. To the west, Phil Gingrey's Cobb-based 11th shifts to pick up exurban Cherokee County from Tom Price's district, retreating from the Alabama border entirely. (Let's not forget that Gingrey was never supposed to be a Congressman - he won by 4 in quite the Rorschach test of a district.)
Anyways, back to the question I teased earlier - what district for Barrow? Perhaps one more table - of the population distribution - can help clarify:
I'd think there's a strong case for Barrow to run in the new 1st, given that he's represented 31% of these constituents already, it contains his base of Savannah, it's a point friendlier, and it'd be against crusty Jack Kingston who hasn't run a competitive race in awhile. The new 12th is 33.3% Black by VAP, a sharp drop from the 44% in the old 12th - at least there'll be no primary challenge? It's perhaps noteworthy that it's difficult to draw a compact AA-majority Augusta-Savannah district - a few more percentage points and there may have been a VRA claim for cracking. (I can get a generally compact 46.8% VAP Augusta-Savannah based 12th without reaching into Macon, but feel free to prove me wrong.)
Anyways, a few other interesting notes - most districts stay largely the same. There's some significant change in the 11th (with most of the current district ending up in the new 14th, which is generally considered the successor to the old 9th), but Gingrey is running in the Cobb-based new 11th, which contains his hometown of Marietta anyway. Similarly, Tom Graves would pick up the northwestern 14th, even though most of the old 9th ended up in the new 9th.
In terms of retention for the GOPers, Paul Broun probably gets the short shrift (if you can call a 60% McCain district "short"), with only 41% of his district retained, including the split of his Athens "base" across both the 9th and 10th. (I'm hesitant to call it his "base" - a 66% Democratic jurisdiction isn't likely to particularly receptive his downright inane views...)
The GOP gerrymander, all things considered, is quite effective and will likely turn the 8-5 delegation into a 10-4; the Republican districts are well beyond the 'safe' line of 55% McCain. Given, though, that Tim Holden is likely to get a safe district, maybe he can send some magic down south to John Barrow; the only Dem that should be satisfied is Sanford Bishop. (Who, notably, should be commended for not having pulled some Emanuel Cleaver BS and leaned on Dems to pass the Missouri GOP map.)
That being said, I'm going to shamelessly use this as another opportunity to lambaste Cleaver for screwing Russ Carnahan - shame!