Now, then, as it is, all [national] lines that were ever established
have always been established by men who were
a bunch of robbers, thieves and exploiters,
and we want to combine ourselves as humanity, as one lot of people,
those that are producing the wealth of our oppressors,
and we want to have under that banner
our brothers and sisters of the world.
-Delegate Klemensic
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Wednesday July 5, 1905
Chicago, Illinois - Industrial Unionists Adopt a Name for New Labor Organization
The Convention of Industrial Unionists continues to meet in Brand's Hall in the city of Chicago, and, yesterday afternoon, began work on the adoption of a constitution for the new labor organization it plans to establish. Section One of Article One was adopted by the Convention to great applause:
This organization shall be known as "The Industrial Workers of the World."
Below the fold, our readers will find the
Hellraisers report on the Day Seven of the Convention, but first we present this perspective from today's edition of the
Chicago Daily Tribune:
DEBS MEN DENOUNCE SOLDIERS.
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Members of National Guard Barred from the
"Industrial Workers of the World."
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Resolutions condemning militarism and denying membership in the new industrial union to members of the national guard were adopted yesterday by the convention of "industrial unionists" in session at Brand's hall, North Clark and Erie streets.
Another resolution adopted denounces Russian oppression of the working classes and expresses sympathy with the Russian revolutionary movement.
After a lengthy debate on the subject the convention decided to name the organization the "Industrial Workers of the World."
David C. Coates, former lieutenant governor of Colorado and member of the American Labor union, urged that all employes in any one industry be organized into one national and international union and affiliated with the central organization.
Communications from industrial unions in Denmark, Germany, France, and Austria were read, and William Trautmann, secretary of the convention, said John Mitchell, president of the United Mineworkers of America, made a statement to the effect that he was a socialist at the international congress of miners at Paris last year.
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[Photograph added.]
Convention of Industrial Unionists
Day Seven-July 4, 1905
MORNING SESSION
The Convention was called to order at nine o'clock and the minutes read by Secretary Trautmann.
Del. White reported for the Credentials Committee recommending the seating of two delegates as individuals with one vote each. The Convention approved the report.
RESOLUTION NO. 20 ON MILITARISM.
Battle of Dunville, Cripple Creek Strike 1904,
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Del. Coates of the Resolution Committee read a substitute to Resolution No. 20 which had been referred to that committee:
Whereas, The present form of capitalism is increasing organized violence to perpetuate the spirit of despotism; and
Whereas, The result of this spirit will be the further degradation and oppression of the working class; therefore, be it
Resolved, That we condemn militarism in all its forms and functions, which are jeopardizing our constitutional rights and privileges in the struggle between capital and labor; and be it further
Resolved, That any person joining the militia or accepting position under sheriffs and police powers or as members of detective agencies or employers’ hirelings in times of industrial disturbance, shall be forever denied the privilege of membership in this organization.
The committee recommended adoption. Amendments were offered and accepted to change "capital and labor" to "capitalists and laborers" and to strike out the word "privilege."
A debate followed with Del. Murtaugh opposed to the resolution as amended:
DEL. MURTAUGH: Mr. President, I believe the passage of that resolution by this convention would be a mistake, because it would be denying ourselves the use of the very weapon that we may have to use in order to emancipate the working class. The hope of Russia to-day, and the only hope of Russia to-day, is that the army of Russia may be permeated with the spirit of revolution. The thing that made the French revolution successful was the fact that the army in France at that time was permeated with that spirit. The reason for the outrages in Colorado was that we did not have men with the right spirit in the militia in Colorado.
You allow the government to organize the other fellow against you, arm him with a superior weapon, and you become almost absolutely helpless. When we have sense enough to go into the militia as a body you will find that the other fellow will be opposing us in our attempt to do that, and we should not add our own opposition to it. I wish that every workingman in the United States, every member of organized labor at least in the United States, was also a member of a militia company and was armed with the best weapons known. and I believe if that were the case—I believe it is possible to bring about that result—if that were the case such outrages as occurred in Colorado recently would never occur again in our history.
DEL. COATES: I did not intend to say a word on this, and I am not going to take up much of your time, but I want to say to Delegate Murtaugh that he does not know what he is talking about (laughter) at least when he speaks of conditions in Colorado. We have gone through just exactly the same experience that you have suggested to this convention. Not more than five years ago we deliberately planned to capture the militia power of Colorado.
DEL. MURTAUGH: Yes, we succeeded, and just as soon as we succeeded—
THE CHAIRMAN: Will you permit the chair to suggest that we succeeded to the extent of having Delegate Coates here at one time commander-in-chief of that militia.
Del. Coates: You bet, and I was not very proud of the distinction, either (laughter). We succeeded, I say, so far that just as soon as the next administration came into power they disbanded every one of our companies of militia; that is what they did. And they disbanded them for no other reason than that they were members of organized labor and unfit to do duty to the State of Colorado under such circumstances. (Applause). That is going to be your experience.
DEL. MORRISON: I just want to ask the gentleman a question.
DEL. COATES: Sure; go ahead.
DEL. MORRISON: If you do organize yourselves and become a factor, and the incoming administration recognize that fact and disband you, isn’t that an argument that that is the line to proceed along, but perhaps in a little different way?
DEL. COATES: I don’t think so. I don’t think you can get into the militia and stay in.
DEL. MURTAUGH: I would like to ask Delegate Coates a question.
DEL. COATES: All right.
THE CHAIRMAN: If Delegate Coates desires to answer the question.
DEL. COATES: I would be very glad to answer any question.
DEL. MURTAUGH: The question is, when you were organized as a State militia, whether it was class conscious enough to act together as a militia in Colorado.
DEL. COATES: It was partially class conscious, enough that we decided to all shoot together.
DEL. MURTAUGH: In the event of the laboring people of the United States or the workers of the United States got in the same class conscious condition, in your judgment wouldn’t it be a mistake to refuse to take advantage of the opportunity to gain control of the militia?
THE CHAIRMAN: It is the opinion of the chair that there are not half a dozen dissenting votes against this resolution in this convention, and it is criminal on the part of delegates to use up the time in discussing it. (Applause.)
Question called for.
DEL. WHITE: I want to make one statement, and that is that when you talk about workmen going into the militia, there is nothing but workingmen in the militia. There is no capitalist militia. You have got a workingman’s militia to-day.
The question was then put by the Chairman, and the resolution was adopted.
REPORT OF LITERATURE AND PRESS COMMITTEE.
Del. Dinger read into the record a long report entitled "Indictment of the Old-Line Trades Unionism." The report is a long one, giving example after example of the betrayal of the workers by their union officers. We offer a few excerpts from the report:
Gompers and the Cripple Creek Strike:
Among pure-and-simple unions in America the A. F. of L. takes pre-eminence, and its leader, Samuel Gompers, is the chief of his tribe. The character of the man and of the organization may be estimated from the following extract from the exhibit of the A. F. of L. in the St. Louis Exposition:
It should be remembered that it was the councils of the A. F. of L., acting in conjunction with the chiefs of the railway brotherhoods which refused, in the face of immense pressure, to participate in the great strike on the railroads centering in Chicago in 1894, and thus averted a bloody and disastrous conflict with the military forces of the United States.
Here we have the officials of the A. F. of L. making a boast before the capitalist class of their treachery toward labor in the great A. R. U. strike.
According to a letter sent out from the headquarters of the A. F. of L., dated April M, 1902, it is shown that the A. F. of L. had decided to carry on a secret war of extermination against the Western Federation of Miners and the American Labor Union, and was actually engaged in doing so, while on the face of things it was extending the hand of fellowship to the organizations named. This is the spirit of the men who are accusing us of attempting to set up dual unions. Whatever we do, be it good or bad, we are doing in the open, and not using the methods of the midnight assassin.
In 1904, when the locals of the W. F. M. were being crushed in the Cripple Creek district, Samuel Gompers came to Denver to organize the miners who had stood by the capitalist class into the A. F. of L.; and after the riots of June, 1904, when the campaign against the W. F. M. was fiercest, the A. F. of L. was expressly exempted from the punishment being meted out to the miners. A man is known by the company he keeps, and an organization by its friends. That being granted, we may get a line on the character of the A. F. of L. from the fact that it was looked upon favorably by the Citizens’ Alliance, the Mine Owners’ Association, by Peabody and all the elements opposed to the miners who had struck work in defense of their brothers.
Had the railway brotherhoods refused to “spot” the cars at the mills at Colorado City, it cannot be doubted that the strike would have been speedily won. As it was, the officials of those organizations declined to accede to the request of President Moyer, and their answers were of such a character as to make the matter contained therein to be available to the Peabody element, which has carried the oppression of the workers to the limit as yet reached in America, as campaign matter.
American Flint Glass Workers of Olean, N. Y. and the A. F. of L:
When the members of the American Flint Glass Workers were on strike in Olean, N. Y., D. A. Hayes, president of the Green Bottle Blowers’ Association, and sixth vice-president of the A. F. of L., sent an executive officer to Washington, Pa., who installed a crew of non-unionists into the G. B. B. A., and paid their transportation to Olean, at which place the newly-elected members of the G. B. B. A. were put to work, taking the places of the striking members of the A. F. G. W. U.
The officers of the last-named organization preferred charges against sixth Vice-President Hayes, of the A. F. of L., and the case was brought before the executive council and officers of the Federation in Washington, D. C. Upon hearing the evidence the council rendered the following verdict: “We find D. A. Hayes not guilty. He simply sent an officer to a non-union locality and converted a crew of non-union men into union men and transported them to another locality to fill the complement of men required at that factory.”
In other words, the A. F. of L. machine, of which Hayes is a part, attempted to cover up the fact that he had taken scabs and had given them the union card, and had then paid their way to a place where union men were on strike, that the strike might be broken and the bosses triumph. And this is the same president and the same organization that raised a wall of $500.00 initiation fee to keep out a good union man and thereby forced him to become a scab or give up his trade, in line with the craft spirit which prompts the few to seek monopoly of the jobs, and whose officers in doing the dirty work of the capitalist class take arrant scabs and make good union men of them to serve the ends of the employers.
Why did not Mr. Gompers meet the strike breakers as they came into Chicago and organize them into the Federation? Such action would be as creditable to the A. F. of L. as those cited.
Union Men Shooting Down Other Union Men:
At the last national convention of the Typographical Union a resolution to the effect that members of the union should be debarred from joining the militia was voted down, and, whenever the militia is called out to assist the capitalist class in breaking a strike, the spectacle may be seen of “good union men” shooting at other union men and mistreating their wives and children.
Union Men Hauling Scabs and Soldiers to Break Strikes:
In bringing to an end, at this time, the evidence as to the corruption of the pure and simple labor leader and the failure of old-line trades unionism, notice must be taken of the conditions of the aristocrats of the labor world, the railway men, who, through their organizations, do so much to perpetuate the reign of the exploiter. The “brotherhoods” have no scruples when it comes to hauling strike-breakers and soldiers to the scene of trouble in the world of labor.
These “unions” hold aloof from the rest of their fellows, and how are they repaid by their friends, the capitalists? There can be no question that labor on the railways is being intensified; that old employes are being turned off to make room for young men; and that tens of thousands of men are killed and injured every year that dividends may be produced to provide for the maintenance of the Gould family’s French count and the Vanderbilt’s English dukes.
Craft Unionism, Part and Parcel of Capitalism:
In bringing our indictment of craft unionism to a close we wish to emphasize the fact that it is part and parcel of capitalism, and that the corruption of its leaders is but the outgrowth of its principles, and that the attempt to bring about the emancipation of our class through “boring from within” is a delusion.
Craft unionism stands for capitalism; industrial unionism stands for the working class, and, upon that ground, makes its appeal to you. We contend that the craft unions even when purged of its fakirs, has become obsolete in the face of the development of industry. Therefore, we call upon the workers of all countries to unite under the banner of Industrial Unionism.
The reading of the
Indictment was received with applause, and followed by this exchange:
DEL. MCEACHREN: Can I get some information, as to the object of this?
THE CHAIRMAN: The object of this indictment is to have it published in pamphlet form and distributed throughout the country.
The Convention voted to refer the report of the Literature and Press Committee to the incoming Executive Board.
COMMUNICATIONS FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES.
SECRETARY TRAUTMANN: I have received letters from other countries relative to the issuance of the Manifesto, and in order to have them on record I have asked the chair to permit them to be read. In compliance with the instructions from the general conference, I sent to all foreign countries, with the exception of Great Britain, where I could not get the address of the class-conscious labor organizations, an address inviting them to send delegates to this convention.
The Secretary then read letters received from the following countries: 1, Germany; 2, Australia; 3, France; 4, Denmark. The letters are given below in translation, when necessary. The original circular letter sent to the various foreign countries precedes the answers.
After the reading of several communications, this exchange took place:
DEL. KIEHN, HOBOKEN: In regard to international affiliation, I would like to say a few words in regard to the position of the Longshoremen’s Union, the organization that I represent. We have been affiliated internationally for the last five years with the International Federation of Transport Workers. The headquarters used to be in London. At the conference at Amsterdam last year it was transferred to Hamburg.
Through ceaseless agitation our international association in America was induced to affiliate the whole association with this International Federation the first of January of this year. I understand that no other American association could affiliate without their consent. Now, as this international affiliation is of the utmost importance to the members of that organization, I would like to bring home to them the news that they are saved from interference on the part of the International Association of Longshoremen of America. We are in constant communication with the members of the same vocation in other countries. We have had occasion to pick up notices in the ships’ holds and take care of certain things that happened on the other side.
We are in constant communication while at work with the men that work in the same ships and for the same employers and handle practically the same kind of goods as the men do on the other side, so that international affiliation is of the most vital importance to the trade that I represent, and I am glad to be able to give this information.
John Mitchell
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SECRETARY TRAUTMANN: The fact is that the European comrades in the unions do not understand that the movement in America has brought about such conditions as to cause complications. When Mitchell was sent to the international congress of coal miners last year in Europe, they understood that Mitchell was a Socialist, and in letters written to a certain journal for $5,000, paid by an enterprising newspaper association, it was stated that Mitchell said in Europe that he was a Socialist, and in the Amsterdam convention some of the old comrades asked why Mitchell was not at the congress.
This Association of Transport Workers with headquarters at Hamburg believes that the organizations in America are based on the recognition of the class struggle. Now, suppose the Longshoremen’s Unions of Hoboken and New York should withdraw from the American Federation of Labor, then will come up the question before the International Transport Workers’ Union as to whether this organization should be recognized internationally, or whether the Longshoremen’s Union should be recognized, and the question of the principles upon which the organizations are established will then have to be decided before the international congress of the industrial unions of the world.
They have recognized unions founded as the American Federation of Labor is, as being to a certain extent an expression of the class conflict, and in order to disabuse them of notions of that kind and make conditions clear, international relations will have to be kept up. We have found in German and French papers articles written under the impression that the American Federation of Labor is an expression of the class conflict in society, concealing or ignoring the relations existing between the American Federation and the Civic Federation and other capitalistic organizations.
The effect of our letters is to give them correct information so that they will not confound this organization and those affiliated with it with the American Federation of Labor. From these letters you will see that the foreign unions are in sympathy with our movement, and that it is to our interest to continue the relations that have been started under instructions from the general conference.
The communications were received by the Convention and placed on file.
The Convention adjourned until 2 p. m.
AFTERNOON SESSION
The Convention was called to order by Chairman Haywood at 2 p. m. And immediately took a recess until 2:50 p. m. to await the report of the Committee on Constitution.
RITUAL COMMITTEE.
The various groups handed in their selections, and the Chairman announced the following as the Committee on Ritual:
American Labor Union—W. Shurtleff.
S. T. & L. A.—S. J. French.
U. B. R. E.—J. S. McDonald.
Western Federation of Miners—(Selection deferred.)
Individuals—C. C. Ross, Guy E. Miller, James Murtaugh.
REPORT OF CONSTITUTION COMMITTEE.
THE CHAIRMAN: We will now have the report of the Committee on Constitution. Proceed with the reading of the Constitution.
DEL. MOYER: Mr. Chairman and brother and sister delegates, the Constitution Committee appointed by the convention, who, I may say for my associates on the committee, have worked faithfully since their appointment, have made an effort to present a body or constitution to this organization which we believe will be sufficient to govern this industrial organization that may be launched until a convention may be called some time in the future. It is not necessary for me to enter into any preliminaries in regard to the work of the committee, so I will proceed to read, beginning at the Preamble.
I might say that I have understood that the Preamble drawn up by the committee on constitution has already been adopted by this convention. I have no personal knowledge of it, as I was not present on the floor of the convention when this part of the work of the committee on constitution was adopted. I will begin by reading the Preamble, and then the constitution.
Delegate Moyer then read the Preamble and the first two articles of the Constitution, after which, at his request, Delegate T. J. Hagerty, Secretary of the Committee on Constitution, completed the reading of the report.
At the conclusion of the reading of the Constitution, Chairman Moyer, on behalf of the Committee, added the following:
DEL. MOYER: The Committee on Constitution, selected by this convention a few days ago, submit their report at this time. We fully realize that the matters set forth in the report submitted may not be sufficient to govern this organization in the future. We believe that we have submitted a form of constitution sufficient to launch this industrial movement. We have agreed upon this constitution, this report as read by the secretary of the Committee on Constitution and myself, with the exception of one member of the constitution committee.
With the exception of that one member we believe that this report, this form of constitution, should be adopted by this delegation and this industrial movement launched at this practical time, and that such changes as may be necessary in the government of this organization after being launched should be left in the hands of an Executive Board or an Executive Council that may be selected by this convention.
In support of their report to this convention the Committee on Constitution has the following motion: “Moved by De Leon and seconded by Hagerty that if any amendments, changes or alterations are offered to this report by the convention, Chairman Moyer of the Committee on Constitution, shall demand in our name a roll call thereon.” We submit the report of the Committee on Constitution to you and it is now your property. (Applause.)
DEL. COATES: Mr. Chairman, I move you that the report be taken up and read and acted on seriatim. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved and seconded that the report of the Committee on Constitution be taken up seriatim. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for). All those in favor of the motion will signify it by saying aye. Contrary no. The motion is carried, and the secretary will please read.
INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD
Delegate T. J. Hagerty, secretary of the committee, then read Section 1, Article 1, as follows: “This organization shall be known as ’The Industrial Workers of the World.”’
DEL. COATES: I want to offer an amendment to the first section. Instead of “Industrial Workers of the World,” I want to offer the name “The Industrial Union of America.” If I can get a second to the motion I will give you my reasons for this. (Amendment seconded.)
The debate then proceeded on the Coates Amendment during which Del. Klemensic made this statement:
DEL. KLEMENSIC: Brother Chairman and fellow delegates, when you try to define what the boundary line is between one nationality and another one, the only thing that is plausible is this: it is the common submission of a common lot of men and women to a common set of men that are ruling them in the name of some supreme being or some supreme power, and this supposed-to-be boundary is something that you neither can see nor feel, but it is the plutocracy that organized it that way.
We know we have got Austrians, Chinamen, Japs, and people of all nationalities here in this country. So we have got Frenchmen, Germans and Italians, and we are a cosmopolitan crowd. Now, then, as it is, all lines that were ever established have always been established by men who were a bunch of robbers, thieves and exploiters, and we want to combine ourselves as humanity, as one lot of people, those that are producing the wealth of our oppressors, and we want to have under that banner our brothers and sisters of the world.
The Convention voted to reject the Coates Amendment (8,131 in favor to 43,100 against) and to adopt the name "Industrial Workers of the World." The adoption of a name by the Convention was greeted with great applause.
Debate on Article 1, Section 2
The Industrial Divisions were based loosely
on Father Hagerty's "Wheel of Fortune."
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Secretary Hagerty, of the Committee, then read Section 2 of Article 1, as follows:
Section 2. (a) And shall be composed of thirteen international industrial unions, designated as follows:
Division 1 shall be composed of all persons working in the following industries: Clerks, salesmen, tobacco, packing houses, flour mills, sugar refineries, dairies, bakeries and kindred industries.
Division 2. Brewery, wine and distillery workers.
Division 3. Floriculture, stock and general farming.
Division 4. Mining, milling, smelting and refining coal, ores, metals, salt and iron.
Division 5. Steam railway, electric railway, marine, shipping and teaming.
Division 6. All building employes.
Division 7. All textile industrial employes.
Division 8. All leather industrial workers.
Division 9. All wood working employes excepting those engaged in building departments.
Division 10. All metal industrial employes.
Division 11. All glass and pottery employes.
Division 12. All paper mills, chemical, rubber, broom, brush and jewelry industries.
Division 13. Parks, highways, municipal, postal service, telegraph, telephone, schools and educational institutions, amusements, sanitary, printing, hotel, restaurant and laundry employes.
Central bodies. Central bodies (first) composed of seven or more local unions in two or more industries shall be known as industrial councils; (second) Local unions, in such industries as are not organized and represented on the General Executive Board; (third) Individual members in such places where there is not a sufficient number of workers to organize a local union in any industry.
THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the reading of Section 2 of Article 1. What is the pleasure of the convention?
DEL. DINGER: Mr. Chairman, I move that we concur in the recommendation of the Committee on Constitution on that Section. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved and seconded that we concur in the recommendation of the committee.
DEL. COATES: Mr. Chairman, I want to offer an amendment. The amendment is that the second paragraph of Article 1 shall read “This organization shall be composed of national and international unions embracing all workers of an industry,” instead of thirteen division as made up.
THE CHAIRMAN: Have you got the amendment written? If so, please hand it up.
DEL. COATES: Yes, sir. (Handing written amendment to the Chairman.)
The amendment was seconded by a number of delegates.
THE CHAIRMAN: An amendment has been offered to Section 2 of Article 1. There are lots of seconds. The amendment is that Section 2, Article 1 be amended to read “Shall be composed of national and international unions embracing all workers of an industry.” You have heard the amendment. Are you ready for the question?
The Convention was, in fact, not ready for the question, and the debate on this new Coates Amendment continued, without resolution, until 6 p. m. when the Convention adjourned until the next morning.
~~~~~~~~~~
SOURCES
Proceedings of the First Convention
of the Industrial Workers of the World
-Industrial Workers of the World, Big Bill Haywood
Merit Publishers, 1905
https://books.google.com/...
Chicago Daily Tribune
(Chicago, Illinois)
-Jul 5, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/...
IMAGES
David C Coates
https://books.google.com/...
Battle of Dunville, Cripple Creek Strike 1904,
from the Appeal to Reason of June 25, 1904
http://www.newspapers.com/...
Samuel Gompers,
Oakland Tribune, May 17, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/...
American Federation of Labor Button
http://www.laborsolidarity.info/...
John Mitchell
http://commons.wikimedia.org/...
Charles Moyer,
President of Western Federation of Miners
http://darrow.law.umn.edu/...
Father Hagertys Wheel,
from Miners Magazine of April 20, 1905
http://www.gutenberg.org/...
IWW The Greatest Thing on Earth
(Scroll way down.)
https://commons.wikimedia.org/...
See also:
CONVENTION-Industrial Workers of the World
SEVENTH DAY-Tuesday, July 4
MORNING SESSION
https://www.marxists.org/...
CONVENTION-Industrial Workers of the World
SEVENTH DAY-Tuesday, July 4
AFTERNOON SESSION
https://www.marxists.org/...
For more on David C Coates
https://books.google.com/...
For more on the Battle of Dunnville
http://www.dailykos.com/...
WE NEVER FORGET
John Carely, killed June 8, 1904 at Dunville, Colorado
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There is Power - In The UnionUtah Phillips
Would you have freedom from wage slavery,
Then join in the grand Industrial band;
Would you from mis'ry and hunger be free,
Then come! Do your share, like a man.
CHORUS:
There is pow'r, there is pow'r
In a band of workingmen.
When they stand hand in hand,
That's a pow'r, that's a pow'r
That must rule in every land --
One Industrial Union Grand.
Would you have mansions of gold in the sky,
And live in a shack, way in the back?
Would you have wings up in heaven to fly,
And starve here with rags on your back?
If you've had "nuff" of "the blood of the lamb,"
Then join in the grand Industrial band;
If, for a change, you would have eggs and ham.
Then come! Do your share, like a man.
If you like sluggers to beat off your head,
Then don't organize, all unions despise,
If you want nothing before you are dead,
Shake hands with your boss and look wise.
Come, all ye workers, from every land,
Come join in the grand Industrial band.
Then we our share of this earth shall demand.
Come on! Do your share, like a man.
-Joe Hill
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