Hello, everyone. Good morning, afternoon or evening, and welcome to this edition of Notes from South Asia. You can find all the articles in the series here (along with my other diaries).
Today, we will cover social justice in India, Iran’s attack on Pakistan’s Balochistan and Pakistan’s retaliation and the Baloch caught in the middle, and Afghanistan’s people’s struggle against Taliban and despair among other stories.
India
INC’s search for social justice (and Pan-India Relevance)
The Indian National Congress (INC) the main national level opposition party in India has started a Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra (Unite India Justice March) as a follow up to their somewhat successful Bharat Jodo Yatra. Political commentator Asim Ali writes for Moneycontrol about the possibilities: Rahul Yatra: Congress’s political strategy faces too many constraints for a successful execution
Meanwhile, the route of the yatra illuminates the respective components of the strategy. In the long stretch from North east to Chhattisgarh, Congress would seek to mobilise ethnic and religious minorities (such as Christian tribals) harbouring insecurity over majoritarian violence. Similarly, in Araria and Poornia in Bihar, Murshidabad in Bengal, and Bareilly and Aligarh in Uttar Pradesh, the Congress would attempt to rekindle its voting base among Muslims. In these states, the Congress would also look to reinforce the perception that it still commands a minimal loyal base. Hence, spectacles of popular groundswell emanating from key social constituencies become crucial to its negotiating position of wrangling for a respectable number of seats from stronger state partners.
The second component might perhaps be a welfare/entitlements programme targeted at the tribal communities. This could possibly be the Congress’ biggest mobilisation of tribals in its recent history. The ‘tribal factor’ can be gauged from the considerable span of days reserved for states such as Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Assam, cumulatively comprising nearly half of the time-period of the yatra. It can also be gauged from the specific tribal heavy route undertaken, such as the Western highlands of Orissa, instead of say the coastal districts, and the Northern tips of Bengal. [...]
[...]
Finally, the yatra might allow the Congress to take national ownership of the caste census agenda. This component might dominate the stretch from Uttar Pradesh to Maharashtra, via Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat. Alongside, the Congress can also make here a stronger play for Dalit voters, using the appeal of its President Mallikarjun Kharge, who launched the yatra’s tagline ‘Nyay ka haq milne tak’. Kharge can be especially deployed in regions of Western Uttar Pradesh and Northern Maharashtra, exploiting the space opened up by a declining BSP and VBA/NCP respectively.
Nyay ka haq milne tak—Until we get the right of (social) justice.
Asim Ali says that INC does have a chance to formulate an appealing plank but BJP’s strong electoral machine, their utilisation of the Ram Temple for voter mobilisation, the little time left before the election, and opposition disunity all come in the way.
There is no paywall and I have selected excerpts to give the three components rather than his full analysis. Please do take a look at the whole if you have the time to spare.
Justice: A Route to Marginalisation
Johanna Deeksha writes for Scroll’s Common Ground feature how a free housing policy for HIV positive families led to their increased marginalisation and segregation: How free housing for people with HIV segregated them further (due to shoddy or perhaps prejudiced and careless implementation).
Ten years ago, Rashmi M packed up all her belongings and, along with her husband and daughter, left for her new home. She knew it was far from the city, but as the long road stretched further and further on, she grew concerned. When they finally arrived, the area looked deserted. It was like a forest, she recalled. Finally, in the midst of otherwise bare surroundings, she saw a few white buildings jutting out of the ground.
Rashmi, who is now 45 years old, had been allotted a free house under a scheme launched by the Karnataka government to provide housing to people living with HIV. (Rashmi and all the people living with HIV quoted in this story have been identified by pseudonyms.)
She recounted that she had initially expected an independent house, somewhere in Bengaluru. The home she was allotted was a small apartment with only two tiny rooms. But it would do, she thought to herself. Ahead of her was a life devoid of the pressures of paying rent every month. More importantly, it was a place where nobody knew her. No relatives would come knocking and no neighbours would give her contemptuous looks. Her daughter could grow up in a space far away from the taunts of neighbours. It was to be the beginning of a new life.
What she didn’t realise was that her new life would bring with it a host of new troubles, such as difficulty accessing basic facilities, healthcare and work opportunities. Worse, though the new location was supposed to offer reprieve from the discrimination she faced earlier, she soon realised that the colony was dedicated solely to people living with HIV and as a result, it was the target of severe stigma from those who lived around it.
“This area came to be known as the ‘HIV colony,’” she said. “Our problem used to be that we found it difficult to get housing because we were HIV positive. But even after we managed to get housing, we continued to be recognised with that sole identity.”
The scheme under which Rashmi was allotted a home, known as the Rajiv Gandhi Housing Scheme, was introduced in 2000. The scheme had been launched to provide homes for people from poor socioeconomic backgrounds. In 2009, the government allowed people living with HIV to also apply for homes under the scheme.
This shift in policy was a result of determined and sustained campaigning by several activists and NGOs.
In the mid-2000s, a Bengaluru-based NGO named Milana created a directory of NGOs in the city that were directly or indirectly working with people living with HIV. Over several discussions with these NGOs, the activists of Milana realised that the problem of housing was a crucial one for people with HIV.
The government gives medicines for HIV for free but that was not the case before 2004. This reminds me that under Modi regime even that has been facing obstacles with HIV positive patients protesting. There has also been some difficulties with the distribution of medicines for tuberculosis.
Back to the topic at hand: The Karnataka government in 2023-24 seems to have updated their policy. So, that is a plus.
A Milana member noted that in another part of the city, more land had been sanctioned, and that builders had already started constructing houses that would be allotted to people with HIV, as well as to others from poor socioeconomic backgrounds. “For that locality, the government has said this would not be an HIV-positive only area,” she said. “After we alerted the government to the experiences of the people from the colony, they have finally understood the implications of grouping HIV people in the same colony, and are now allowing other eligible families to apply, and not just HIV-positive patients.”
As the name suggests, this seems to be an INC scheme (I do have strong criticism and often despair of the party, but I am going to mention it when they actually do something). Still, the implementation has been shoddy. Anyways, long piece. Please do read. I am sure there would be parallels in the US and other countries.
There are many more stories from India, but I’d end with Manipur because we had a question about it last week.
Divide & Rule Policy in Manipur
Angshuman Choudhury writes for Nikkei Asia: Closing of India-Myanmar border will not restore peace in Manipur Angshuman Choudhury is an associate fellow with the Centre for Policy Research in New Delhi.
The cross-border mobility policy, officially called the Free Movement Regime (FMR), was only formalized by New Delhi and Naypyitaw in 2018. Its cancellation stems from a demand by Manipur Chief Minister Nongthombam Biren Singh, who has said the open border is allowing "illegal immigrants" to enter to stoke violence in his state. Allies have suggested "interlopers" are also smuggling narcotics and arms into Manipur and disturbing the state's ethnic equilibrium.
The conflict in Manipur, though, is between the Meiteis, who mostly inhabit the Imphal Valley and dominate state political and economic circles, and the Kuki-Zo, a protected tribal community living in the hills around the valley.
The Kuki-Zo population is spread over both sides of the international border, so members are keen to preserve the open frontier and see Meitei demands for a hard border as an assault against their community.
Yet blaming the open border for Manipur's ethnic conflagration is counterproductive. The roots of the current bloody conflict lie inside the state, not beyond its boundaries. Lasting peace can come only when New Delhi encourages the state government to address questions around the sociopolitical marginalization and economic underdevelopment of Kuki-Zo communities and ensures that heavily armed Meitei militias are disarmed and disbanded.
The Hindu Bureau reports that violence that had been simmering has reignited in Manipur.
A father-son duo was among four persons killed, while seven others – including three Border Security Force personnel – were injured in separate incidents of violence in Manipur since Wednesday night.
Officials in Bishnupur district said unidentified armed men swooped down on Ningthoukhong Kha-Khunou, a Meitei village, and gunned down three persons. The victims were identified as Thiyam Somen, 54, Oinam Bamoijao, 61, and his son Oinam Manitomba. [...]
The police said the three persons died on the spot and their bodies were taken to the Regional Institute of Medical Sciences in the State’s capital Imphal, about 30 km away, for autopsy.
Unidentified gunmen also attacked a Meitei village in the Kangchup area of the Imphal West district bordering Kangpokpi district around 11 p.m. on Wednesday. A village defence volunteer identified as Takhellambam Manoranjan, 26, was killed. A villager, Mangshatabam Wanglen sustained bullet wounds.
Reminder that while the current conflict is between Meiteis and Kuki-Zo communities, the state also has Naga tribes, and Meitei Muslims, called Pangals. Both have stayed out of the conflict.
I am going to assume there would be interest in the Iran-Pakistan conflict today, so let us move onto that.
Pakistan
Baloch and the Pakistan-Iran Armed Strikes
The Dawn reports that Pakistan did not have prior knowledge of Iran’s air strikes. It is a fact check.
A post circulating on social media on Wednesday claimed that Iran’s aerial strike on Pakistani territory a day earlier was made after talking to the latter’s government. However, no such talks were held between the two countries before the incident.
The strikes, Iran claimed, had targeted bases for the militant group Jaish al-Adl in the border town of Panjgur in Balochistan. The violation its airspace had drawn strong condemnation from Islamabad, which then downgraded its diplomatic ties with Tehran before carrying out tit-for-tar strikes of its own today.
The Dawn editorial asks both sides to keep calm and show restraint.
IN a shocking turn of events, Pakistan-Iran ties have hit rock bottom in a matter of days, sparked by Tehran’s unprovoked strike in Panjgur.
On Tuesday, the caretaker prime minister and the Iranian foreign minister were exchanging pleasantries in Davos, while both navies were conducting joint drills in the Strait of Hormuz.
Later that day, Tehran would strike Pakistani territory in an unprecedented move, claiming to have hit anti-Iran terrorists. Pakistan insisted two children were killed in the ill-advised action. After downgrading diplomatic ties, Pakistan on Thursday struck Iranian territory.
According to ISPR, terrorists belonging to Baloch separatist outfits were neutralised in Operation Marg Bar Samachar near Saravan. Iran claims “foreign nationals” were killed in the Pakistani action.
The immediate need is to de-escalate matters, and prevent the conflict from spiralling further. While Iran’s action in Panjgur was highly condemnable, both states must handle the fallout with care.
It is easy to dial up tensions, but this would not be in the interest of either country. There must be a frank discussion between both capitals about the common problem of militancy. Pakistan says Baloch separatists find shelter in Iran, while Tehran claims Baloch extremist groups such as Jaish al-Adl operate from this side of the border.
The Dawn has a convenient round up of diplomatic reactions to the tit-for-tat bombing. US said nobody likes Iran in the region, in direct contrast to in Dawn’s terms, India remaining neutral, and in Indian analysts’ terms, India backing Iran (since India made a comment about its opposition to terrorism after Iran’s strike and before Pakistan retaliated).
I couldn’t find a proper analysis of Iran’s motives at the Dawn, so you will have to make do with a Stanly Johny analysis from the Hindu: Why did Iran carry out strikes in three countries? (He thinks the three are linked and have to do with Iran feeling insecure in the increasingly unstable West Asia).
First, which are the attacks? You know of the Israel and IS ones. Here is the Pakistan affiliated one.
On December 15, 2023, a police station in Rask in Iran’s Sistan Baluchestan province, roughly 60 km from the Pakistani border, came under attack by a number of gunmen. At least 11 Iranian security personnel were killed in the attack, which was claimed by the Jaish al-Adl (the Army of Justice), a Sunni Islamist group operating in the border region that has been designated as a terror outfit by Tehran.
Because of these multiple attacks and Israel’s attack on Palestine, Iran, the author says is under increased pressure.
Iran came under great pressure after the Gaza war broke out, between Hamas, which gets support from Tehran, and Israel, its main rival in West Asia. Besides fighting a devastating war in Gaza, which has killed over 24,000 Palestinians, Israel has also carried out targeted strikes in Lebanon and Syria, killing Iranian, Hezbollah and Hamas commanders. Houthis, another Iran-backed Shia militia, are also being attack, by the U.S. and the U.K., after they targeted vessels in the Red Sea.
The crisis is spreading like wildfire across the region, with profound implications for Iran’s security, both internal and external. By carrying out multiple strikes in three geographies, Iran seems to be flexing its military muscles. It wants to send a message, to both the Sunni militants and its conventional rivals in the region, that it would not hesitate to take military actions in its weak, fractured neighbouring countries against targets which it deems hostile if its security red lines are breached, even at the risk of a wider war. Iran also seeks to assure its people that the government can act assertively to ensure security of the Islamic Republic and that the killing of its commanders would be avenged.
Iran may also be thinking that Israel is stuck in Gaza and the U.S. is preoccupied with the Houthis. This gives Tehran some space to make relatively bolder military moves. But what’s to be seen is whether the attacks would help Iran improve its internal and external security or these would further worsen the security crisis in a region, which is already in a ring of fire.
The people suffering in this show of force is of course the Baloch.
Saleem Shahid reports for the Dawn that Panic grips Koh-i-Sabz
Residents, accustomed to the peaceful lull of the evening, were startled when they saw a few objects tear through the sky. A deafening explosion followed, leading to a horrifying scene: a massive fire engulfing a house and a nearby mosque.
It was later discovered that the semi-mud house — the residence of Karim Dad, alias Idrees — had been hit by an Iranian missile.
The strike claimed the lives of Mr Dad’s two children — six-year-old Humeira and 11-month-old Suleiman — and injured his wife and three daughters.
As the Baloch activists say
There is a larger alienation in the region.
Ali Manzoor Baloch writes for Dissent Today that as Pakistan’s elections approach there is disillusionment in Balochistan
Balochistan becomes a battleground for political engineering, where power corridors employ familiar tactics to stifle opposition and shape the electoral narrative, leaving the province in a crisis.
The echoes of 2018 continue to be heard as similar tactics, such as sidelining the National Party, another key nationalist political group in Balochistan, continue to pose a threat to democracy in the province.
These repeated tactics, exemplified by the initial rejection of Sardar Akhter Mengal’s nomination papers, threaten to worsen the already extensive political grievances in Balochistan. The province is already grappling with long-standing humanitarian crises, and the people’s disillusionment with the federation intensifies as they perceive a lack of interest in addressing their urgent issues.
The gap between Balochistan and the central government is growing, fueled by a sense of neglect and frustration resulting from electoral maneuvers that seem to undermine the essence of democracy. At this critical juncture, the province risks drifting further away from the federation as Balochistan’s people question the commitment of the broader political landscape to genuinely resolve enduring crises.
I will end with an article I found while browsing Al Jazeera.
Working Class Masculinity and Exploitation in Pakistan
Saad Zuberi writes for Al Jazeera about : The dark underbelly of Pakistan’s male body image revolution
It is seen as a working class pursuit.
The world of Pakistani bodybuilding is one that few outsiders ever get to see.
With no state funding, national structure, or regulation, the sport thrives in the shadows, haphazardly managed by about a dozen independent federations scattered across the country. [...]
Since Pakistan’s first championship was held in 1952, bodybuilding has remained largely a working-class pursuit – it is often referred to as a “poor man’s sport” within the community – and confined to small-scale regional and national competitions. But the sport has undergone a profound transformation in recent years owing to international exposure through social media, gaining wider attention and affording its star bodybuilders unprecedented opportunities. The prospect of participating in international championships, fame, cash prizes, travel, and potential modelling contracts has attracted thousands of men from Karachi to Peshawar and beyond. Aspiring bodybuilders with limited means spend their evenings after school or work fervently lifting weights beneath the glare of fluorescent gym lights and their coaches’ watchful eyes.
Many see bodybuilding as the first step out of poverty and dead-end jobs. Some are drawn to the allure of social media stardom as they post photos of their chiselled bodies online, while others dream of breaking into the modelling industry. Through interviews with bodybuilders and other industry insiders over reporting carried out between September 2021 and January 2024, we learn how men navigating the intersection of bodybuilding and modelling are exposed to worlds that both celebrate, and exploit, physical appearance.
With low regulation, there is a lot of malpractice from coaches who push young men into taking dangerous steroids.
“For months, I was pumped with growth hormones and 500 milligrams (0.018 ounces) of Trenbolone two or three times a week by my trainer whose only goal was to bulk me up so I would win. I had no idea how dangerous this was.”
Trenbolone, a potent anabolic steroid, is a class of synthetic drug originally developed to promote muscle growth in livestock. Anabolic steroids, as well as synthetic growth hormones, are commonly used by bodybuilders in Pakistan and can seem like a shortcut to building muscle although they may carry severe potential side effects and are banned by the WADA (World Anti-Doping Agency), the recognised anti-doping global authority.
Some anabolic steroids and growth hormones may be prescribed by doctors for medical reasons such as hormone replacement therapy or to treat muscle wasting associated with cancer, HIV/AIDS and other conditions. However the non-medical use of these drugs poses risks such as cardiovascular complications, liver and kidney damage, high blood pressure, and hormonal imbalances which can lead to issues ranging from acne to infertility and even long-term psychological dependency.
The potential for misuse, abuse, and associated health risks is the reason why it is illegal for pharmacies in Pakistan to sell steroids and hormones without a prescription.
Illicitly imported versions, however, are commonly available on the black market, Usama says.
To illustrate his point, he pulls out his mobile phone, dials a number and puts the call on speakerphone. After two rings a groggy male voice answers. Usama gives him a reference and asks him what “stuff” is available. Almost mechanically, the man begins listing drugs as if reading them off a menu.
“If you know where to look, it can be delivered to your doorstep within minutes,” Usama declares matter-of-factly.
Moving onto Afghanistan, there is limited news in local papers, so I am relying on Al Jazeera.
Afghanistan
Struggle to Life
Maryam Ahmadi writes for the Al-Jazeera about her defiance and fight against Taliban and despair
I have sent the link and I am waiting for my students to join the Zoom session. I am teaching them English. I receive a notification that my students are in the waiting room. I put a big smile, I let them in, and greet them in English.
I know that they can’t see my smile because I don’t turn on my camera for security reasons, but I know they hear it in my voice. I know that I have to do everything and anything to keep up the spirits of my students. And I have to do it for myself as well.
Since 2021, we have had to struggle against two enemies: the Taliban ban on secondary and higher education for girls and women and the desperation and hopelessness that are slowly overcoming us.
According to the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), some 2.5 million girls and young women are out of school due to the ban. Before the universities were closed for us, one in three young women were enrolled; some 100,000 were denied their dreams of pursuing the degrees they wanted. Not only that, even when students have found opportunities to study abroad, the Taliban has denied them the right to do so.
Islamic scholars have repeatedly said and emphasised that there is no basis in our religion for this ban. Even economically, it does not make sense. The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) estimates that preventing girls from attaining secondary education costs the Afghan economy some $500m per year.
The Taliban government has refused to change its decision despite the repeated appeals of international organisations and agencies. Afghan women and girls, for their part, have refused to give up.
The need and desire for education has been so great that soon after the bans were imposed, a few teachers got together and organised classes online. At first, it was a small group with just a few students. I joined them about a year and a half ago.
We teach English as well as all high school subjects and a few additional courses, like computer skills. News of our courses spread by word of mouth and more and more students joined. By 2023, we had grown to 400 students from across Afghanistan.
And here is The displaced Afghans making gruelling journeys to survive in pictures.
The barren desert plain among the mountains of eastern Afghanistan is filled with hundreds of thousands of people.
Some live in tents. Others live out in the open, among the piles of the few belongings they managed to take as they were forced from neighbouring Pakistan.
The sprawling camp of people returning to Afghanistan through the Torkham border crossing is the latest facet of Afghans’ long, painful search for a stable home.
More than 40 years of war, violence and poverty in Afghanistan have created one of the world’s most uprooted populations.
Some 6 million Afghans are refugees outside the country. Another 3.5 million people are displaced within the country of 40 million, driven from their homes by war, earthquakes, drought or resources that are being depleted.
Pakistan’s decision earlier this year to deport undocumented Afghans has struck them hard.
Many Afghans have lived for decades in Pakistan, driven there by successive wars at home. When the order was announced, hundreds of thousands feared arrest and fled back to Afghanistan. Often, Pakistani authorities prevented them from taking anything with them, they say.
Their first stop has been the camp in Torkham, where they might spend days or weeks before Taliban officials send them to a camp elsewhere.
The expulsions from Pakistan have swelled the already large numbers of Afghans who are trying to migrate to Iran, hoping to find work.
That is it for today. Until, next Friday, everyone. Have a good week ahead. Take care. Stay safe.
May we all have the courage to fight against despair and discrimination no matter the conditions.