This evening, I participated in National Tele-Townhall hosted by J Street. Jeremy Ben-Ami, the executive director of J Street and Ophir-Pines-Paz, a former Labor MK, were taking questions. Pines-Paz was serving in the Olmert government as Minister of Science, Culture, and Sport when he resigned in November 2006. He resigned to protest the Yisrael Beiteinu party joining the coalition. Yisrael Beiteinu is right-wing nationalist party currently lead by Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman.
What follows is not a transcript, but a summary. Do not quote what I've written below as the exact words of the speakers. Hopefully, a more skilled journalist has a transcript of the townhall somewhere. As I followed the conversation, I tried to summarize the questions and answers. While I was not able to transcribe the conversation word-for-word, I believe that I captured the gist of their comments. If there is a mistake, it is completely unintentional and I do apologize in advance if that is the case.
If anybody was sitting in on the call and disputes what I've written, please let me know. I was typing and listening and thinking at the same time so I wouldn't be surprised if I've made an error.
The first question came from the J Street Executive Director Jeremy Ben-Ami to Ophir Pines-Paz.
Q: What is your perspective on the arguments made by the Netanyahu government's argument that he cannot extend the settlement freeze because it would undercut the promise that he made to his party and make it more difficult to sell to them a final peace agreement?
A: Netanyahu froze settlement growth to bring the Palestinians to the table so it makes no sense to start building again now that peace talks have begun. It is early in the peace talks and we have to build trust. The other side already doesn't trust us, so ending the moratorium only makes the peace process more difficult.
The rest of the questions came from callers. This first question I actually found a bit confusing. It seems like the caller was asking what Obama could do to put pressure on Netanyahu to extend the moratorium, but that decision has already been made. I also found Ophir's response a bit perplexing.
Q: What should the United States/President Obama to put his finger on the scale w.r.t. Nentanyahu's decision on settlements?
A: There isn't much President Obama can do. He has his own elections coming up. He needs the peace process as much as Netanyahu.
It's not enough to support the two-state solution. We need a clear vision for the future. (Psychodrew: I think Ophir was saying here that Netanyahu can support a two-state solution, but it doesn't matter if he doesn't have a vision for the future.)
The problem is the two sides have different needs. The Palestinians need a result. Netanyahu needs a peace process. Maybe it leads to a result. Maybe not. The difference between Israel and Palestinians is that Netanyahu needs the process while Abbas needs the outcome.
Q: Will Netanyahu be able to muster the support of the people for an agreement?
A: Netanyahu has the skill and the power to get support if he gets an agreement. He'll get most of his own party, Likud, and he'll get Kadima and Labor. Not sure about some of the right wing parties. He'll get enough support. The question is whether or not he is willing to take the steps, to do things that go against his own ideology. The question is not "can he," but "is he willing to"?
Q: How can peace be achieved if Hamas exists in Gaza and Abbas does nothing about Abbas? Abbas's record suggests that he can't be trusted. The US has been giving Abbas a lot of money and he hasn't done enough. Peace cannot be achieved if Hamas exists.
A: Even the right wing in Israel believes that Abbas is the right leader. Under his leadership, the Palestinians have shown a greater willingness to crack down on terror.
Hamas is a great problem for both Israelis and Palestinians. Hamas is powerful because Israel didn't do enough to promote moderates. We have to deal with the moderates. It's the only answer. Hamas poses a threat to Israel, especially in southern Israel. There is always the possibility that Hamas will join the talks. If not, we'll have to deal with Abbas only. He will have to govern the West Bank and Gaza and we'll have to support him.
Q: One obstacle is that many Americans are more right-wing than Netanyahu. If he cuts a deal on the settlements, there might be a rebellion from these right-wing American groups who provide support to the settler organizations. What can we do to build support for a compromise on the settlements?
Jeremy Ben-Ami jumped in to answer this question: Ambassador Oren indicated that some Americans would also be upset with the compromises needed for a peace deal. Nobody wants to talk about it, but some right-wing American Jewish groups have pressured previous Israeli governments not to make certain compromises. (Psychodrew: He specifically named a group that told Olmert a few years ago that he would face a rebellion in the American Jewish community if he compromised on Jerusalem.) That's why we created J Street. The majority of the voices, the loudest voices, are these very right-wing groups who oppose such compromises. Other voices need to be heard. We need to speak out.
Q: What about the Arab Peace Initiative? Can that be used as the framework for an agreement?
Ophir Pines-Paz: It's an important thing. We ignored it for too long and we've paid a price for it. I'm not sure it would work now at all. The paper called for the Palestinian Right of Return to Israel which would not work for Israel. But it's an important paper and it would be very attractive for Israel to achieve peace with the entire Arab world.
Q: Where is the Israeli Left? Who are the leading voices?
A: It's embarrassing, but we have to face it. The left in Israel is in a deep crisis. We never fully recovered from the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin. The failure of the Camp David Summit in 2000 was another setback because it led to the next intifada. The majority of Israelis began to doubt the ability of the left to deliver peace and protect the people. Our role today is to push, push the peace process. Labor has joined the current right-wing government. Meretz has gotten smaller. Kadima can't represent us. We are small, but we will win because we are right.
Q: How much consideration has been given to selected freezes, building only in places that would end up in an Israeli state?
A: Netanyahu didn't want to do this because of the pressure exerted by the far right. The Palestinians would not except this compromise either. There was not enough support for the middle. Labor should have given Netanyahu an ultimatum on the settlement freeze. They never did anything close to an ultimatum. Now the settlements are growing again. It's not only a shame. It's dangerous. It will hurt us in the long run.
At this point, Ophir Pines-Paz had to leave, so the final questions were taken by Jeremy Ben-Ami.
Q: As a Jew, I'm really embarrassed by Israel's position right now. This peace process is so important. What can we do to get Israel back to the table? What can we do to get the peace process going?
A: A lot of people share your embarrassment and outrage. We care about Israel and the Jewish people. We feel this decision could have negative long-term consequences. All of you on the call can get involved. Get on the phone. There are people who need to here from you. Call your member of Congress and your Senator. Register your support for the peace process and for J-Street. Call the Israeli embassy. Get involved with Jewish institutions in your community. It's important our voice be heard. Make your voice heard in your community.
At this point, the call moderator jumped in to remind listeners that they could start their own local J Street organizations and that they should go to the JSteet's website for more information.
Q: Before the negotiations, many were worried that Abbas was being pushed into the negotiations so he could be blamed for their failure. Obama will also be blamed for the failure of the talks. This trap is being set. What can we do to push the counter-narrative that the man (Netanyahu) can't really be interested in peace if he's not willing to tell his people "no" on settlements?
A: I couldn't agree with you more. (Psychodrew: At this point, Jeremy referred to a recent op-ed he'd written.) It's decision time for the leader of the state of Israel. Do you or do you (Netanyahu) not want to achieve a lasting peace? Netanyahu has a choice. Not freezing settlement growth is a choice. You are making the choice NOT to make the bold move for peace.
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At this point the call ended. These are just some of my random thoughts:
First, I did not realize that the Israeli left was so suspicious of Netanyahu.
Second, I did not realize that the American Jewish community had influence, real influence in Israel. An American Jewish organization was actually able to communicate directly with the prime minister and urge him not to make compromises.
Third, I was reassured by Ophir Pines-Paz's assurance that Netanyahu would find support within Israel for a deal if he reached one. To that end, I spoke to an Israeli friend today who leans pretty far left. He is a strong support of the pro-peace left and he has very strong negative feelings about the settlers. He was very offended by the Time piece which suggested that Israelis didn't care about peace.
Anyway, it was a very informative call. Although I think I'm more of an AIPACer than a J Streeter, I'm definitely happy that I was able to participate and learn more about J Street and the views of the Israeli left. This was definitely a worthwhile learning experience for me.