Google Translate was used as a starting point, rewritten by me where it seemed to be returning incorrect or poorly worded results.
Morocco: visions of a revolution in progress
Hind Aissaoui Bennani
When I arrived in Casablanca, January 20, 2011, Ben Ali had fallen under popular pressure. The world had witnessed a lesson in rejection of oppression through collective organization. Simple, surgical, and unexpected, this event would inspire others. On February 11, Mubarak fell after 33 years in power. Even today, as in Bahrain, Libya, and Jordan people are fighting to wrest their most basic rights despite fierce repression by [the old order], young Moroccans are preparing a day of protest. The "February 20 Movement" is in the process of demanding change. Morocco has a rather positive image in France. It is, in the imagination of many of us, a country where life is good, where power rules its subjects with a certainly firm yet benevolent hand. To better understand the Morocco of Mohammed VI and what young Moroccans are demanding of it, I met Omar Radi, Aziz El Yaakoubi, Souad Guennoun, and Hind Dadssi — journalists for some; anti-globalization activists to others.
Five-way discussion in Casablanca on Wednesday, February 16.
Omar and Aziz, I saw you speak at a panel discussion on political violence in the Maghreb at the brand-new School of Governance in Rabat. You made your case very well. Yet to read the Moroccan press, Morocco is a role model for the region in terms of democracy, and to read the French press, we practice a moderate Islam here. So why are you "spitting in the soup" like this?
Omar Radi: In Morocco, not only is the social situation catastrophic, there is a total absence of democratic rules, both at the state level and in the private sector. And the press is no exception. I cannot speak for the French press, but I can say that the Moroccan press cannot in any way reflect or translate what is really happening here. And what is happening here looks exactly like what the revolutions have revealed about the Tunisian and Egyptian societies.
Aziz El Yaakoubi: I would add that the problem is the Moroccan political system, based on a religious foundation that is completely absurd. It derives its primary legitimacy from religion since the king is the commander of the believers and the representative of God on earth. This allows a diversion of responsibility for power whose legitimacy cannot be questioned.
But I thought that Mohammed VI was better than his father … He has made improvements, right?
Omar Radi: What is fundamentally different between the father and son is the method. Under Hassan II, the methods were direct and in your face. Mohammed VI has instead focused on psychological factors such as marketing, by propagating the famous image of "King of the Poor" at the beginning of his reign. He immediately morphed into the king of good will, and upholds the idea of [reforming] a rotten system that will lead to problems in Morocco in the future. But the reality is that the predation of royal business is enormous and we are moving back squarely to the methods of Hassan II in terms of repression, censorship, etc. At the beginning of the reign of M6, there was an attempt to revisit and deal with the past and the "leaden years." But there again what we got was marketing. Proof: non-implementation of the recommendations of the Equity and Reconciliation Commission. The sole recommendation of this process that's been applied is a monetary compensation of victims' families. None of the other promises of the plan have been kept, even though they were minimal. There was no fundamental investigation or punishment of crimes committed, especially in financial matters, and of the monopoly on land and real estate. There have been enormous robberies in Morocco! And there continue to be, under the direct control of Mohammed VI. But nobody talks about it. You can't talk about democratization without accurately examining the details.
Aziz El Yaakoubi: The opening that took place in Morocco was initiated in the reign of Hassan II. In the late 1980s, all the Third World countries who had been benefiting from the East-West duality were obliged to undertake reforms. It started in Morocco with the release of political prisoners. But this transitional justice was just a façade, like everything related to democracy in this country. At the same time, regulatory agencies were established which actively contributed to economic liberalization. All that did was reinforce the power structure's ability to manipulate the economy. And that's exactly the same logic that continues. There is no difference between father and son. Moreover, and this is what is most important, the texts [the legal system is based on] have not changed. The constitution is still the same as under Hassan II, the death penalty is still in force …
Souad Guennoun: To understand the situation, especially from abroad, one needs to be clear about two or three things. Morocco suffered "soft" colonization, as a so-called protectorate. Lyautey, a monarchist, kept [local] power structures in place but pulled the strings. Throughout history, France has legitimized the power in Morocco by fabricating a false image. I remember at the funeral of Hassan II, Frederic Mitterrand praised the beauty of the protocol. This sort of fascination for the Moroccan monarchy gives it a deep cultural and traditional dimension in our history, although the monarchy was at its worst the means of colonization. And this method was effective. It's also no coincidence that the Americans were inspired by Lyautey for what they are doing in Iraq …
The other very important thing is that Mohammed VI arrived at a crossroads of globalization. In 1999, he replaced his father and brought some new tools. He joined the elite, even more than his father ever did. And that elite has benefited from privatization and damn well filled its pockets. Not only is the scheme despotic, it also surfed the globalization wave.
From a geostrategic point of view, we must also understand that Americans too rely on the Moroccan authorities. With its policy of "Greater Middle East" and the war in Iraq, the United States consider Morocco as one of its strongholds, including from a military standpoint and in terms of outsourcing torture.
You hear it said that the Moroccan people are not ready for democracy, they're not as "educated" as the Tunisian people …
Aziz El Yaakoubi: Democracy is something everyone deserves, even the illiterate. This talk about [whether nations have enough] maturity should not even exist. Education does promote the ability to rebel. Democracy, though, is deserved by everyone.
Hind Dadssi: On the issue of education, it must also be clearly said that there was a deterioration of public education. Until the 1980s, public education was high quality. Our parents had a very good standard when they popped out of the baking pan. The deterioration of public education is directly related to the first structural adjustment programs of the IMF.
Souad Guennoun: Personally, I filmed a lot of social movements that aren't being talked about in the media anywhere. I filmed miners, workers in textiles, agriculture, the Sidna IFIN struggle in 2008, etc. I went to areas where there is nothing, no infrastructure, no housing, no cinema. Nothing! There are young people with nothing to look forward to. So they spend their time on the Internet. I'm sure it is in these little villages that the potential of the Internet revolution is the strongest. TV is crap, no radio, the press does not talk. That's how it is in the farthest reaches of these little villages, young people are self-made, shaped by defiance against the society that absolutely does not represent them. For comparison, we could compare them to the European "No Vox."
Omar Radi: In fact, since the events in Tunisia and Egypt, we have graduated from being the "Arab exception" to being the "Moroccan exception." (Laughter.) Before, in what they call the Arab world, they said that what did happen could not happen due to geopolitical considerations. Now the myth has been broken. As long as only the republics were affected, they could cultivate the myth of a Moroccan exception, saying that Morocco is a monarchy which dates back four centuries, it is the most stable country in the region, etc. All this is rubbish!
Souad Guennoun: Besides, now it's spreading to Bahrain, which is a monarchy! Proof that these are the same effects produced by the same causes.
Omar Radi: Absolutely. Or, if we must talk about a Moroccan exception, at least call it by its proper name: the economy of the [monopoly] rent. In Morocco, when the king goes somewhere, people gather shouting the phrase: "God gives the luck to our Lord" ("llah i berk fi amr sidna"). And this expression isn't just hot air, it corresponds to reality! Morocco is the only country that distributes concessions for income-generating activities covering entire sectors of the economy: taxis, parking, transportation, fishing, … I also believe that most Moroccan artists benefit. These activities should be the object of requests for bids, but they are distributed as concessions by the king's entourage. It's all a sort of socio-economics that is used to buy people's silence and does not even begin to address the principle of meritocracy, as debatable as it may be. The whole economy exists by the king's whim. He who dares suggest otherwise can see his work destroyed overnight. The problem is that these people are supposed to form a petit-bourgeoisie or to use liberal terminology, middle class, and thus represent an opinion. While most of the time the voice of change comes from the middle class, any attempt to represent its interests is reduced to zero. Moroccan society: a middle class that has been bought off, many rich and many more poor. And the poor have no choice but to fight for survival.
Souad Guennoun: Let me add something important about this concept of Morocco as the exception. Morocco is a country where civil society has been the most tested [seemingly intended to mean something like "tempted with bribes"]. About women, youth, neighborhood associations, etc. To the detriment of political parties that were in decline. There was a lot of money injected into the civil society.
The most obvious example is that of feminism. This is one area that was really the most funded, so that it is no longer people, activists, who frame the debate. It is an invented feminism maintained by money, by patronesses with their secretarial staff, offices, etc.. And it is they who are invited to speak internationally on behalf of women, although they do not even know. About that sort of feminism one can only wonder! And it's tricks like these that contribute to the fact that in France, Morocco has the image of the most advanced country in the region on women's issues.
You'll see that if we call for protests against [the current situation], these feminist groups will take to the streets to support the government.
So what are you proposing? Begin the change by doing what? What are the priorities?
Souad Guennoun: For me, besides the Moroccan problem, the urgency is at the regional level. Since 1975, we have a big problem with this history of the Sahara and borders. At this time, the Algerian people are also on the move. So we should do the beneficial thing and combine both our struggles, including working together.
For years we have funded a war to kill people who were seeking self-determination, instead of collaborating to build a complementary economy. And it is time now to tackle the question of borders. This region must be unified, united, socialist, republican, with young people who are at the forefront of struggles. As a priority, we must stop the jingoism. Otherwise, we will all be crushed. Today, we have nothing to lose. It's now or never. We need to build bridges, and not just at the level of the Maghreb. The people have the same aspirations in Morocco and Algeria as in Latin America.
The emancipation of peoples, food sovereignty, recognition of local identities: our demands are the same. And our problems are the same! Our agriculture is plundered, our waters are bottled by the same multinationals, our land is purchased, [piece by piece] one after the other ... It is urgent to build bridges. Moreover, the issues raised by Sidi Ifni's struggle extend far beyond the setting of a small fishing village. The questions she was posing are global issues. Sidi Ifni might have been the Moroccan Sidi Bouzid. It was a fight for another world. This is not a slogan made by intellectuals, these are demands formulated by those who had been denied the right to speak.
But what do you do about the propaganda that we’ve been subjected to for years, and the idea that, like the people, the King of Morocco is a victim of the rotten system?
Omar Radi: As long as people are under a regime of terror, they say, "Long live the regime." Remove the terror and people end up speaking their minds. And we're feeling that in the street right now. An anecdote to illustrate all this.
Yesterday, a taxi driver told me that if it was just the system that was rotten, the king could eradicate this system. Such things could not be said so directly before.
Aziz El Yaakoubi: It can't be denied that there's a pervasive ignorance, fed by propaganda. But do Moroccans know that the biggest African bank (Attijari Wafabank) belongs to the king? Nobody knows that it’s the king who pulls all the strings of the Moroccan economy. Nobody knows that the king is [holder of] one of the greatest royal fortunes in the world. An information campaign needs to be mounted, because people change their minds when they learn that large parts of the economy are owned by him. At any rate the royal fortune has begun to be a topic of discussion on Facebook.
The Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions — is the Moroccan regime frightened by them?
Omar Radi: To put it bluntly, contagion [meaning "domino revolution," spreading from country to country] is a fact, and the Moroccan regime is scared. When the call for [protests on] February 20 went out, there was a crisis between the ministries of interior and foreign affairs and the Moroccan secret service. On his Facebook page, the Minister of Youth and Sports conducted a smear campaign against the February 20 youth movement, calling them traitors to the nation and members of the Polisario.
Yesterday something extraordinary happened. The Moroccan government took two big steps. It injected 15 billion dirhams into the compensation fund. This fund allows the state to fund the maintenance of prices of essential commodities at a relatively low retail level. What is funny is that in June 2010, the authority had refused to inject 10 billion dirhams in this case by explaining that in any event [the subsidy] had to be reformed because it was gobbling up too much money. The second step taken yesterday: 10% of the state budget will be used to recruit people for public sector jobs, particularly unemployed graduates. This is a historic step!
We also know that 3 days ago the moqqaddem, who are the representatives of the powers that be, began distributing land to slum dwellers from Casablanca. Power and its servants don't just talk about the Moroccan exception anymore, they act! They take initiatives to respond to demands unheeded for the past ten years, under the pressure of an appeal spread by young people via social networks.
The Moroccan regime is at an impasse. They're no better off than Mubarak or Ben Ali. They're even worse off than Mubarak was against the great powers. If this protest has the stamina to stay the course, I think we will cross the threshold of [people's] fear of the regime and that [their] awareness of the need to fight will be even stronger.
You mention the "February 20" movement?
Aziz El Yaakoubi: "February 20" is an initiative that was launched on the internet by young people between 20 and 24 who were previously apolitical. They started streaming videos on the internet to request the change of the constitution and establishing a democracy in Morocco. Several unions announced their participation, but also the overwhelming majority of human rights organizations (including MAHR, the largest association of its kind in Africa) and the Adl wa Ihsan, the most important Islamist movement. And what's interesting is that the Democratic Confederation of Labor, the country's number-two trade union, is talking about a general strike on February 21 and 22.
Omar Radi: Although we cannot really predict, I think the surprise could come from small towns and Rabat. Right now I do know that the Ministry of Education has given high school and college students several days off to prevent them from mobilizing. But they still don’t understand that if students are not in high school, they will be on Facebook. Teachers' unions say that all students, even those who are not on Facebook, speak of February 20. It's huge! If pro-government thugs are out on February 20, and if there is confrontation, if only one person is wounded among us, it will mean permanent mobilization.
Thank you, friends. Good fight!
Souad Guennoun: I would like to add a special message to France. This movement is a groundswell, it will not stop tomorrow. Those who exploit us are the same everywhere and they will not let go so easily. We must call for solidarity and everyone should support us. If this fails, the backlash is going to explode in everyone's faces, even in France! If in France you do not support us, [the consequences] will be severe, both for us and for you.
Interview by Hind Aissaoui Bennani
Casablanca, February 16, 2011