Part I of this series discusses the history and conditions leading up to the military coup d'etat in 1976. Part II reveals the mechanisms and pervasiveness of brutal torture and murder by the state during the dictatorship. Part III explores the nefarious secret plan to control South America and the United States' involvement in it. Part IV looks at Argentina's transformation from the end of the dictatorship to today.
Like an onion, our story contains layers upon layers, and every time that we peel one away, we find another beneath. We have seen Argentina as it is today and surveyed the course of its transformation from a police state to a democracy. We walked through the chilling period of the dictatorship and examined the Argentine history that preceded it to discover the circumstances that led to it. We searched further back in time and discovered the international conspiracy that created and sustained it. Now we will go even deeper and explore the historical roots of Argentina's tragedy.
The heart of the matter
Argentina, like much of Latin America, has a long tradition of authoritarianism. Spain sent hardened conquistadores to conquer native peoples and extract their treasures. After the easy conquests, mercenary viceroys and governors were dispatched to harshly rule and keep the conquered inhabitants producing more wealth to send back to Spain.
Estancia La Paz in Cordoba province, Argentina
Later, many captains and generals were favored by the Crown with grants of vast tracts of lands; these estancias (immense ranches) were operated with indigenous labor, with Spanish colonists serving to supervise and perform specialized duties; they were privately owned self-contained settlements, often fortified, with such essentials as a smithy, church, and mill. The owner was both a military man, responsible to his superior for assembling and training his own troops, as well as an extensive landowner, where he exerted the same control of his underlings and peasants as he did with his soldiers; that dual role of military commander-landowner is known as a caudillo. In many respects, it was a feudal system of vassals dependent upon, and obedient to, the local lord.
Unlike the English colonies—with farmers of small holdings, tradesmen, independent artisans and craftsmen, and significant communal governance—the Spanish colonies were run as rigid hierarchies from the viceroy down to the caudillo. This set the tradition of reliance on leadership from above, imposed and enforced by power, rather than the North American model which assumed a certain level of egalitarianism, individual rights, and traditions of self-administration through consensus and citizen participation.
Accordingly, the Spanish legacy—rule by the strongest over the weak—lingered on after Latin American countries gained independence. The new nations had little experience in participatory or representative government, from federal parliaments and executives all the way down to municipal councils in the pueblos (villages). In the absence of such experience and tradition, it was always easy to look to the military or a dominating political leader whenever great troubles arose.
Machismo—the trait of self-identity based on arrogant hypermasculinity—is relatively common throughout Latin America. I submit that, in part at least, it stems from this socio-historic legacy, the cultural expectation instilled almost from birth that men must always be “strong men” ready to protect their families and their property. Deference to authority and domination of "inferiors" go hand in hand, twin aspects of machoistic culture.
In Argentina today, the symbols of military hero worship are still seen everywhere. Grandiose monuments to battles and the commanders who led them adorn every plaza (park or public square). The names of nearly every street and plaza in every city and village throughout the country are the same: General So-and-so Avenue, Admiral So-and-so Park, Battle-of-Somewhere Boulevard, and so on. Gloria (glory), patria (fatherland), and similar militaristic or nationalistic jargon abounds in political discourse and proclamations.
Changing hearts and minds
Shifting societal attitudes away from the "strong man" model of governance, even in crisis situations, is a daunting task. The abuses by the military during the dictatorship have certainly caused much of society to look at the military with suspicion rather than expectation but such an attitude is not without drawbacks itself. Argentina needs to find a point of balance, where both society and the military understand and firmly accept that the military is both the servant of the people and the protector of their territorial sovereignty but never to be their guardian.
Detail of statue in Plaza San Martin, Buenos Aires
One way to start—said with tongue only slightly in cheek—would be to change the names of every street in the country to pleasant things like Sunnybrook Lane, Maple Street, Oceanview Avenue and so on. Politicians should tone down their jingoistic speeches and stop manipulating public emotions with inflammatory rhetoric about reclaiming the Falkland Islands (and their oil fields)—a futile quest and one which focuses on Argentina's past.
The Argentine penchant to revere its mythical past needs to be laid to rest. There is too much wistful and wishful remembrance of history that is incomplete at best, dishonest at worst. Glorious battles, divinely-directed victories, and heroic generals are staples of popular conception of the country's history; conversely, slaughtered indigenous people, slavery, lands stolen from neighbors and natives, and bloody internecine rivalries in the decades following independence are facts often unfamiliar to adults and students alike. [1] Teaching an honest and full history of Argentina in schools would likely dampen some of the hypernationalism that pervades the culture.
Machismo remains a problem on the personal level, not to mention the broad socio-political level mentioned above. The last administration introduced new measures to reduce domestic violence (primarily violence against women by men) through education and special prosecutions. Additionally, a public campaign that began with a massive rally, Ni Una Menos (Not One Less), is putting social pressure on Argentine men to change their attitudes and behaviors toward women; it is also pushing legislators to fund the offices and programs necessary to fully implement Argentina's comprehensive gender equality laws. [2] Federal, provincial and local governments are working with sporting associations to reduce the senseless violence that erupts at fútbol (soccer) games, another manifestation of machismo. Together, these efforts may slowly shift society's away from viewing the “strong man” as a heroic figure to provide security and order.
Danger, Guillermo Robinson, danger!
Argentina's presidents have taken steps to limit the autonomy and authority of the military and its leaders since the junta resigned. Many of the hardline generals and commanders were forced to retire in subsequent years but even so there was a rebellion in 1990 (it was quickly suppressed). Conscription (compulsory draft) was ended during the Menem administration and training and organization were revamped to turn the armed forces into a more professional outfit. A law was passed under President Nestor Kirchner that limits the armed forces to acting only in response to external aggression. [3] Budgets have been greatly cut back since the dictatorship so that Argentine military spending as a percentage of GDP is one of the lowest in the hemisphere (less than 1%). The armed forces have been deployed on international peacekeeping and humanitarian missions and engage in cooperative search-and-rescue efforts with neighboring Chile. These are all good developments to restrain the military and focus it on its proper functions in society.
Nevertheless, now that President Macri has assumed office, a disturbing change is taking place. As might be expected from a conservative politician, Macri has focused on drug abuse and trafficking as a critical issue in Argentina. Paco, a cocaine-based product worse than crack, is indeed a problem, especially among the poor, and Rosario, the third largest city, struggles with gang violence and police corruption related to drug trafficking.
High level meetings have been taking place between the new government and the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). Technology and training are being offered if the Argentine government will launch its own version of our failed War On Drugs. Macri has already authorized the military to shoot down aircraft crossing Argentina's borders when there is strong suspicion that they are running drugs. He has said that he intends to deploy the army as the front-line force to interdict surface trafficking and to complement police in domestic enforcement. [4]
With its history of repeated interference in politics and government, the Argentine military must not be enlisted as a law enforcement agency, no matter how much Macri may wish to stanch the flow of drugs. Mission creep is inevitable and the risk inherent in the army exercising authority over civilians, once again, is simply too great.
Argentina already has a nationwide free public healthcare system in place. It would be more effective to inject the funds for a misguided war on drugs into treatment centers as well as educational programs and intervention services. The Argentine government needs to critically evaluate America's forty-five year failed effort and learn from our mistakes, not copy them.
Exeunt, stage right
As in the imagined mystery novel of Part III, a story requires closure. Finding out that the butler did it isn't enough; we want to know how things turned out with the characters we came to know. So as our Argentine tale draws to a close, let's look at the fates of its dramatis personae.
Some of our characters are famous figures and their lives are already well known to readers so we will not relate their stories: Nixon, Kissinger, Reagan, Pinochet, Carter and others. Instead, let's begin at the beginning, when the web was first spun that would fatally ensnare thousands.
General Thomas Bogart served as the head of U.S. Southern Command in Panama until 1964, continuing to build relationships between the military and intelligence agencies of the U.S. and Latin American nations and providing support for Operation Condor. In 1965, he was stationed at the Pentagon in the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and facilitated bringing the CAA conferences to West Point. Thereafter he retired, enjoying leisure activities as well as volunteer work in his community. He died in 1982 at the age of 77, the recipient of medals and awards from nine Latin American governments ruled by despots. [5]
Isabel Perón spent nearly five years under house arrest during the dictatorship before being exiled to Spain. Upon the restoration of democracy in 1983, she briefly returned to Argentina as a guest at the inauguration of the new president, Raúl Alfonsín. She still lives in Spain, a survivor of the brutal regime that she helped set in motion.
For the state terrorists who carried out the regime's horrors, justice was slow in coming. The legal and political maneuverings to indict, stall, prosecute, pass laws, repeal laws, give and revoke pardons, and more could fill another chapter—but I will resist the temptation. Besides the convoluted strategies in the courtrooms and the congress, another obstacle has made it difficult to acquire evidence: the perpetrators refusing to rat on each other—who knew that brutal torturers had such a sense of honor? As Argentine federal judge Daniel Rafecas said,
… the Judiciary has not been able to loosen the ominous pact of silence that reigns among the perpetrators when they face the courts. [6]
Nevertheless, prosecutors have indicted more than 1500 people to date and obtained convictions of approximately 500. Chief among them is General Jorge Videla, the leader of the junta. He was sentenced to life in prison for 31 murders and to 50 years in prison for the kidnapping and illegal adoptions of prisoners' babies. He died in prison in 2013, having served only five years of his sentences. [7]
Brigadier Orlando Agosti was found guilty in 1985 of eight counts of torture and was sentenced to 4-1/2 years in prison. After he was released he unsuccessfully appealed to have his military rank reinstated. He died in 1997.
Admiral Emilio Massera, the third junta leader, was imprisoned between 1998 and 2004 while under investigation for his crimes. He suffered an aneurysm that caused brain damage and thus was declared mentally incompetent to stand trial. He died of another stroke in 2010.
Marcos Levín, a retired business owner in Salta, Argentina, was convicted of crimes against humanity earlier this week. He conspired with police to frame 16 of his employees who were subsequently imprisoned and tortured. This was an important breakthrough, the first businessman (i.e., not military, nor police, nor government official) to be held accountable for crimes during the dictatorship. There are many more former executives and owners of companies who used the regime to eliminate union leaders, activists and disgruntled workers; it is hoped that this prosecution will pave the way for more to come. Levín received a sentence of 12 years. [8]
Soon after leaving office, Carlos Menem began a decade long game of cat-and-mouse with the justice system on a variety of charges for a variety of illegal activities during his presidency; if nothing else, one must give the 85 year old former president credit for criminal longevity and creativity. Over time, he was convicted at different trials for embezzlement, corruption, and arms smuggling. He is currently under house arrest and investigations continue against him for yet more offenses. [9]
Nestor Kirchner served as the First Gentleman of Argentina during his wife's initial term as president. It was widely assumed that the Kirchners would take turns in office, with Nestor running again in 2011 and Cristina returning as a candidate in 2015. He had a history of cardiovascular problems but the nation was still shocked when he suddenly died in October of 2010. He received a state funeral and was publicly mourned by hundreds of thousands.
Cristina Kirchner stood for reelection in 2011 and won. A controversial and confrontational figure at times, she nonetheless retained a solid popularity throughout both terms of office. By law, she could not run again in 2015. After leaving office, she has so far remained quiet, withdrawing to her home in southern Argentina. She is eligible to run again in 2019 for a third non-consecutive term and there is expectation that she will do so.
Patricia Derian continued to serve as Jimmy Carter's highest ranking State Department officer for human rights throughout his administration. In 1985, she testified in Buenos Aires against the dictators at the first Trial of the Juntas. She has authored several articles about her experiences during the dictatorship as well as on similar topics such as refugees and prisoners of war. Her collected papers are housed in the Human Rights Archive at Duke University. [10]
Tex Harris faced intra-departmental criticism at State for his work in Argentina. He remained in government service in various positions, working on both human rights issues and environmental protections. He was twice elected president of the American Foreign Service Association (AFSA), a professional group for career diplomats. Harris retired in 1999. The AFSA established an award in Harris' name to honor State Department employees who speak out with constructive dissent and the United Nations Association annually honors a recipient with the Allen “Tex” Harris Award for Human Rights Diplomacy. [11]
Finally, we must say goodbye, for now, to the protagonist in our saga—the Argentine people. An estimated 400,000 of them assembled before the Casa Rosada last week on the 40th anniversary of the coup to remember the victims of the regime [click here to see photos]. As long as the people of Argentina never forget, scrupulously restrict the military to its proper role, and remain vigilant, their future looks as wide open with possibility as the unending pampas.
I, too, must take my leave, thousands of words further along than I ever imagined when I began my story of Argentina's darkest night. So, che (friend), I thank you for your perseverance in reading this lengthy series and for your complimentary and insightful comments throughout it.
¡Chau!
[1] Argentine Civil Wars at Wikipedia
[2] How Argentina rose up against the murder of women by Hinde Pomeraniec at The Guardian (UK)
[3] What This Coup Anniversary Means in a ‘New Era’ for Argentina by Cecilia Milesi at the Argentina Independent
[4] PFA reshuffle comes after government reactivates ties to US DEA at the Buenos Aires Herald
[5] Theodore F. Bogart 1930 memorial at West Point Association of Graduates
[6] The state of the trials, 40 years after the coup by Daniel Rafecas at the Buenos Aires Herald
[7] Argentine dictator Jorge Videla who seized power and led military junta that killed thousands, dies aged 87 by Jaymi McCann at the Daily Mail (UK)
[8] Businessman Convicted Of Dictatorship-Era Crimes Against Humanity In Historic Case by Hattie Webb at The Bubble
[9] Argentine ex-leader Menem convicted, again at Yahoo News
[10] Guide to the Patricia Murphy Derian Papers, 1962-2008 and undated at Duke University
[11] Partnering with Civil Society in the Pursuit of Human Rights by Wesley Reisser at U.S. Department of State
