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Amid the news of Michael Flynn's plea agreement and furious speculation about where it will lead, let's step back a moment and reflect on what just happened: Special Counsel Robert Mueller's investigation just moved straight inside the White House and into the Oval Office.
Donald Trump, the law and order candidate, has now seen four members of his campaign team charged with federal crimes, two of whom have pleaded guilty. But the first guilty plea came from a guy who worked exclusively on the campaign, George Papadopoulos. Flynn's cooperation with Mueller represents the progression of his investigation from pre-election campaign and even post-election transition dealings to Trump's conduct as a sitting president.
Most people understandably associate Flynn with the first two piece pieces of the Russia probe and the value he likely brings to any inquiry into Team Trump's collusion with the Russians. But after serving as Trump's national security adviser for 24 fateful days, Flynn also lies at the heart of the obstruction probe. In particular, a hub of activity in late January will prove crucial to whether Trump obstructed justice.
- Jan. 24: Flynn lies to the FBI about at least two contacts he had with Russia
- Jan. 25: Acting Attorney General Sally Yates is briefed by FBI agents about Flynn
- Jan. 26: Yates warns White House counsel Don McGahn that Flynn is in danger of being compromised; McGahn briefs Trump immediately after
- Jan. 27: Yates and McGahn meet again about Flynn; Trump asks former FBI director James Comey for his loyalty
- Feb. 13: Flynn resigns after reports emerged that he lied to Mike Pence and Yates had warned the White House about him
What happened in the 24 hours between when Trump was briefed on Flynn and when he tried to secure a loyalty pledge from Comey is a total mystery that Flynn might well have the answers to.
Flynn also surely has some interesting insights about that yawning 18-day window between when Yates informed the White House and Flynn actually resigned. It was really the first major crisis of a young White House already primed for chaotic communications. Trump didn't sign his first Muslim ban executive order until January 27, which was also a public relations disaster for them. But really, goddess only knows what was swirling around that White House between Flynn, Pence, Trump, McGahn and others in the days following the Yates/McGahn briefing.
If there's a tell about how consequential that time period was, it came from McGahn himself today as he tried to cast responsibility for Flynn's continued presence on Yates.
Shocked! Because Yates telling him that Flynn had been in contact with Russian operatives during the transition and might be subject to blackmail wasn't enough. Specifically, Yates testified in May:
"We told them that the conduct Flynn had engaged in [speaking to Kislyak] was problematic in and of itself."
It's called the Logan Act—look it up, McGahn.
One more interesting footnote to the week: Remember that Attorney General Jeff Sessions declined on Thursday to tell the ranking member on the House Intelligence Committee whether Trump had ever directed him to obstruct the Russia probe.
"I asked the attorney general whether he was ever instructed by the president to take any action that he believed would hinder the Russia investigation and he declined to answer the question," Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) told reporters after the closed-door meeting concluded.
As former Justice Department spokesperson Matthew Miller observed about Sessions' nonanswer:
"I think the Attorney General essentially answered the question today."