Louisiana State Senate Districts
Below you'll find an alternative to Louisiana's state senate districts. What you'll notice is that my version has more Black opportunity districts than the actual map. This comparison will show a different interpretation of how representative districts ought to be drawn. The numbering of the districts in the map below keeps to the previous numbering as close as possible. [I drew the actual districts as best I could on Dave's Redistricting App, however, there are some precinct differences, which couldn't be reconciled in the app. There were only a few districts where this was an issue].
New Orleans Area 3-5, 7-10
Immediately, you'll notice that my districts are much neater than the actual districts. On top of that, there's much less blue and more purple. This is because the 1st district is no longer in this area; its parts being absorbed into the 3rd district. Also, the 8th district is geographically much smaller. This is how my version unpacks Black voters from the 3rd, 4th, and 7th, allowing the 8th to become a Black opportunity district.
My 3rd district trades territory in Jefferson Parish for all of Plaquemines and St. Bernard. It further pushes the 1st out of the area by taking in all of its territory in New Orleans. The actual 3rd district is 58% Black, has a Black VAP of 55%, and a D+25 PVI. My 3rd is 51% Black, has a Black VAP of 49%, and a D+10 PVI. My 4th district remains in Orleans Parish, but its Black population is brought down from an unnecessarily high 64% in the actual 4th, to a more appropriate 52%. The Black VAP goes down from 60% to a 49% plurality, while its Democratic PVI remains a solid D+27, down from D+30 in the actual 4th. The 5th doesn't actually change very much demographically. The biggest difference is that it no longer crosses into Jefferson Parish and takes in the 9th's territory in Orleans Parish. Both versions of the 7th are similar. My 7th takes in all of New Orleans south of the Mississippi River, instead of almost all of it. It also takes in a bit of Jefferson Parish, but it loses what it had in Plaquemines Parish. My 7th is also only slightly less Black than the actual district.
The 8th district is changed from a somewhat competitive mostly White district with an R+4 PVI, to a plurality Black district with a D+8 PVI. The Black VAP increases from a meager 28% to a significant 42%. This essentially creates a new district capable of electing a Black senator. It's also more compact now that it's contained entirely within Jefferson Parish. The 9th changes to a more compact district entirely within the Metairie. The 10th moves a bit to the left, but is still a solid Republican district in Jefferson Parish north of the Mississippi River.
Florida Parishes 1, 6, 11-16, 18
At first glance, it's obvious that one maps districts are quite gerrymandered, while the other's isn't. Of course, a gerrymandered map is not determined merely by district boundaries, but by what the districts collectively accomplish. In this case, the most contorted district is the 6th. The actual district takes in predominantly White areas of East Baton Rouge Parish and stretches through part of St. Helena Parish and to/through Tangipahoa Parish where it meets the shores of Lake Pontchartrain. This 6th is 68% White and has a PVI of R+23. If the question arises as to why, this district takes its weird shape, the answer lies in the intent to reduce Black representation and thereby Democratic representation. In East Baton Rouge the 14th and 15th district grossly pack Black voters. The 14th is 64% Black; the 15th is an even higher 72% Black. This prevents any other nearby district from receiving a significant amount of Black voters. My version, of course, unpacks these Black voters, ceding a large amount to the 6th district.
My 6th district takes in all of St. Helena Parish, the more heavily Black areas in Tangipahoa Parish from Hammond up to Kentwood, all of East Feliciana Parish, and exchanges the very White and Republican areas of East Baton Rouge, for more Black areas in the northwest part of the Parish. This makes my 6th district mostly Black (53%), and increases its Black VAP up to 50%. It also has a PVI of D+6. This radical change not only creates a new Black opportunity district, but makes the district more compact/practical.
Back in East Baton Rouge, the 14th is now 53% Black, and the 15th is 64% Black, which is still rather high, but significantly less than the actual district. Also, the 16th remains solidly Republican. The remaining districts are merely cleaned up, meaning their boundaries are more practical, and remain very White, Republican districts
Acadiana 2, 17, 19-28
There isn't much that changes here demographically. Geographically, the districts appear more practical, which they are since there are fewer Parish splits and the districts are more compact overall. The 2nd district slightly unpacks Black voters bringing the districts total population down from 56% to 52%. The district's Black VAP decrease a bit from 53% to 49% and the PVI moves from D+12 to D+9, but this is still a district that would elect a Black senator. The 17th move's a bit to the left, but no longer stretches from St. Helena Parish all the way down to Assumption Parish. It's maintained in the Baton Rouge Metro Area, taking in all of Pointe Coupee, West Baton Rouge, and West Feliciana parishes, most of Iberville Parish (in terms of geographic area), and a small part of East Baton Rouge Parish. It's PVI doesn't change much going from R+10 to R+9. However, Democrats hold seats in less favorable terrain such as the 19th.
The actual 19th district is an R+10 seat based out of St. Charles Parish. My version takes in all of that parish along with similar parts in St. John the Baptist and Lafourche parishes. This moves it slightly to the right, however, Democrat Gary Smith, Jr. went unchallenged in this district after a winning a large victory in 2011, and would still be favored. The 28th district is another very Republican district held by Democrat, Eric LaFleur; it has an R+21 PVI. My version of this area dismantles this district, but since LaFleur is based out of Evangeline Parish, he would likely run in the 22nd district, which has a PVI of R+20. This is all hypothetical, of course.
The remaining districts don't change very much in terms of partisanship and demography, including the 24th, which only slightly unpacks Black voters, and the 27th which better consolidates Black voters, but this only slightly improves the district's competitiveness.
North-Central 29-39
My version of this region shows quite the departure from the actual map. Starting with the 29th, a mostly Black district, you can see that the actual district runs from Lincoln Parish all the way down to Rapides Parish taking in small concentrations of Black voters in multiple parishes along the way. It's a rather absurd looking district that packs Black voters in this region. My 29th moves west taking in all of Natchitoches and Red River parishes, most of De Soto, and parts of Grant and Rapides parishes, similar to the actual 29th. Unlike, the actual 29th which is 57% Black with a Black VAP of 55%, and a D+11 PVI, my 29th is 54% Black, with a Black VAP of 51%, and a D+7 PVI. Therefore, it's clear that a more appropriate Black opportunity district can be drawn.
The 30th moves east exchanging part of Calcasieu and Vernon parishes for part of Rapides Parish and all of Allen Parish; it remains solidly Republican. The 31st moves west keeping Sabine, but trading Red River Parish, and parts of Grant, Natchitoches, Rapides, and Winn parishes, for Vernon Parish, as well as parts of Caddo and De Soto parishes. The 32nd becomes more compact, although remains mostly the same.
The 33rd undergoes a very noticeable change. The actual 33rd more closely resembles my 36th. My 33rd district is entirely within Ouachita Parish leaving the largely Black areas to the 34th. It's, therefore, a solidly Republican, mostly White district. This means Ouachita Parish has only two districts within, or partly within its boundaries, as opposed to four districts on the actual map.
My 34th district remains mostly Black, but its considerably unpacked. The actual 34th is 66% Black, has a Black VAP of 63%, and a D+16 PVI. My version is 57% Black, has a Black VAP of 53%, and D a D+5 PVI. This district can still regularly elect a Black senator despite having its Black voting bloc significantly reduced.
Due to the 29th's sweeping change, the 35th also undergoes large demographic change. It's still a solidly Republican district, but its White population decreases from 82% to 63%, and its Black population nearly triples from 12% to 32%. All of this moves the district's PVI from R+35 to R+18. The 36th also moves a bit to the left by taking in more Black voters, yet still remains solidly Republican, going from R+24 to R+15. The 37th appears to do the reverse. While it's more practical, being only and entirely Bossier Parish, it's much Whiter and more Republican.
Finally, the Caddo Parish districts see significant change both demographically and geographically. The actual 39th district packs Black voters in the Shreveport area. It's total Black population is at 68%, it's Black VAP is at 66%, giving it a D+20 PVI. My 39th is 54% Black, has a Black VAP of 51%, and a D+7 PVI. Much of that Black voting bloc is given to the 38th district, which becomes a plurality Black district, as opposed to a mostly White Republican leaning district. This district did flip to the Democrats in 2015, but it has an R+11 PVI. My 38th has a D+3 PVI and a Black VAP of 45%. This ensure a new competitive district capable of electing a Black senator.
While studying Louisiana's State Senate districts, there was obviously intent to reduce Black voting strength. Many districts pack Black voters to such an unnecessarily high amount that it keeps neighboring districts from either being competitive, or outright preventing a Black opportunity district from existing where there should be one. Some go to great, contorted lengths to do so, like the 29th district. My alternative version increases the amount of Black opportunity districts by unpacking and/or better consolidating Black voters. There are currently 11 districts capable of electing a Black senator. My version brings that number up to 14, while also creating more practical districts overall. Thank you for reading.
The maps were created using Dave’s Redistricting App: gardow.com/…
The charts and data were assembled using spreadsheets via Stephen Wolf’s guide: www.dailykos.com/…
The Statistical Atlas was used to match the district numbering: statisticalatlas.com/…
Ballotpedia was used to determine incumbents in some districts: ballotpedia.org/...
Google Images aided in determining the regional breakdown
Links to the Alabama Maps
Alternative Districts: Alabama State Senate
Alternative Districts: Alabama State House of Representatives