This story has been updated as of Oct. 13, 2020 following the 2019 elections in several states, the release of 2019 population estimates for 2020 reapportionment, and 2020 reform efforts, court cases, and other developments.
Democrats made major gains in the 2018 and 2019 elections, flipping several governors’ offices and state legislative chambers, at the same time that voters passed redistricting reform at the ballot box in four states. As a result, Republicans have a less dominant grip on redistricting than they did before, but the GOP would still hold a large advantage if new maps were to be drawn today, which makes the battle for reform as urgent as ever.
As shown in the map at the top of this post (click here for a larger version), Republicans would currently have unfettered power to draw 37% to 45% of all congressional districts nationwide, while Democrats would hold sway over just 10% to 11%, a GOP advantage of three or four to one. The remaining districts would be crafted by a mix of redistricting commissions (of varying degrees of political independence), legislative compromises, and the courts (in the event of any state government deadlocks). The picture is almost exactly the same at the legislative level, as shown on this map below.
Click to enlarge
Thanks to this disparity, Republicans are on track to lock in a big advantage on the congressional map following the 2020 census. And that's exactly what happened after the last round of redistricting, too, when states that were drawn to favor Republicans had five times as many districts as states that were drawn to favor Democrats. That unequal playing field was a major factor in why Republicans were able to hold the House in 2012, even though Democratic candidates won more votes that year.
Below, we'll look at every state's current political landscape and what sort of outcomes we'd expect if redistricting were conducted today. Of course, things are likely to change one way or another, whether in time for redistricting in 2021 or at some point in the future: Either party could gain or lose power in any given state, and new reforms could become law.
● Alabama
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor (veto override takes a simple majority).
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander both the congressional and legislative maps.
● Alaska
Partisan Control: Republican (at-large congressional district, legislative only).
Responsible Institution(s): Politician-appointed commission of five members, with the governor picking two commissioners, and the state Supreme Court chief justice, state Senate leader, and state House leader each picking one.
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the state legislature because they hold a 4-1 majority among the officeholders who appoint redistricting commissioners.
● Arizona
Partisan Control: Nonpartisan commission.
Responsible Institution(s): Independent redistricting commission, created by voters in a 2000 constitutional amendment, with two Democrats, two Republicans, and one unaffiliated commissioner. The state commission on appellate court appointments nominates pools of 10 Democrats, 10 Republicans, and five independents, from which the four leaders of the majority and minority party in each chamber of the legislature each choose one commissioner. Those four commissioners then choose an unaffiliated tiebreaker. Maps are required to adhere to nonpartisan criteria and also prioritize political competitiveness.
Current Outlook: The commission draws relatively nonpartisan congressional and legislative maps.
● Arkansas
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): Congressional: state legislature and governor (veto override takes just a simple majority).
Legislative: commission created by a 1936 constitutional amendment, consisting of the governor, secretary of state, and attorney general.
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander both the congressional and legislative maps.
● California
Partisan Control: Nonpartisan commission.
Responsible Institution(s): Independent redistricting commission, created by voters in two 2008 and 2010 constitutional amendments, with five Democrats, five Republicans, and four unaffiliated members. A panel of three state auditors choose from applicants to select 20 Democrats, 20 Republicans, and 20 unaffiliated nominees. The four legislative majority and minority party leaders can each eliminate two applicants from each of the three pools, leaving the pools with 12 nominees apiece. From those 36, three Democrats, three Republicans, and two unaffiliated commissioners are randomly chosen, and those eight commissioners collectively select the other six.
Majority support from each of the three political groupings is required to pass a map. Maps must adhere to nonpartisan criteria that prioritize communities of interest and the protection of minority voting rights over compactness. While maps cannot be drawn to favor or disfavor a party (or incumbent), there is no explicit partisan fairness metric. Maps are also subject to potential voter veto just like a regular statute is if citizens put a veto referendum on the ballot.
Current Outlook: The commission draws relatively nonpartisan congressional and legislative maps.
● Colorado
Partisan Control: Nonpartisan commission.
Responsible Institution(s): Independent redistricting commissions (one each for Congress and the legislature), approved by voters in 2018. A panel of three retired appellate judges—one from each major party and one who is unaffiliated—randomly select commissioners from a pool of applicants. The four legislative party leaders choose a pool of 10 applicants each to submit to the panel of judges for random selection. Democrats, Republicans, and independents each have four members on the commission, and it would take two votes from each bloc to pass a map.
Any adopted maps have to follow several strict criteria: following federal law; preserving communities of interest (which the state constitution extensively defines); keeping cities and counties whole; maximizing compactness; maximizing the number of politically competitive districts; banning the intentional favoring or disfavoring of a party or candidate; and preventing the dilution of the electoral strength of voters belonging to a racial or ethnic minority.
Current Outlook: Colorado's new commissions pass relatively fair congressional and legislative maps.
● Connecticut
Partisan Control: Divided state government.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature, subject to a two-thirds supermajority requirement. If the legislature deadlocks, a bipartisan "backup" commission established by a 1976 constitutional amendment draws maps. The state legislative majority and minority party leaders appoint four Democrats and four Republicans to the backup commission, and those commissioners then choose a tiebreaking ninth member.
Current Outlook: Democrats currently lack two-thirds control of the legislature, meaning legislators will either compromise with Republicans or Democratic commissioners will compromise with Republican commissioners to select a tiebreaking commission member. In the absence of either compromise, a court will draw nonpartisan maps. After the 2010 census, the two parties compromised on legislative maps at the backup commission stage, but a deadlock led to a court drawing the congressional map.
● Delaware
Partisan Control: Democratic (at-large congressional district, legislative only).
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Democrats gerrymander the state legislative maps.
● Florida
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): Congressional: state legislature and governor for congressional redistricting. Legislative: legislature only. Florida voters passed two "Fair Districts" amendments to the state constitution in 2010 that attempted to ban partisan gerrymandering, and the state Supreme Court used those measures to curtail the GOP's congressional and state Senate gerrymanders in 2015.
Current Outlook: At the time of the previous state Supreme Court's ruling, a liberal-leaning bloc held a 5-2 majority on the bench. Conservatives have since gained a 6-1 majority on Florida's Supreme Court thanks to GOP Gov. Ron DeSantis' 2018 victory, and it's likely that this new conservative majority will let Republicans gerrymander again.
● Georgia
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps.
● Hawaii
Partisan Control: Bipartisan commission.
Responsible Institution(s): Bipartisan commission, in place since a 1968 constitutional amendment, of eight members appointed by the four legislative majority and minority leaders and a ninth member chosen by the state Supreme Court if the two parties cannot agree on a tiebreaker.
Current Outlook: The commission compromises on a tiebreaker or the court appoints one, leading to relatively nonpartisan congressional and legislative maps.
● Idaho
Partisan Control: Bipartisan commission.
Responsible Institution(s): Bipartisan commission created by a 1994 constitutional amendment, consisting of three Democrats and three Republicans, with the four legislative majority and minority party leaders and the two state party chairs each picking one member.
Current Outlook: The two parties either compromise as they did after 2010, or a court draws the congressional and legislative maps in case of a deadlock.
● Illinois
Partisan Control: Democratic.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor. If there is a deadlock, a court would draw the congressional map.
If there is a deadlock over the legislative maps, a bipartisan backup commission in place since a 1980 constitutional amendment would draw the districts. The commission's tiebreaker is randomly chosen between nominees from each major party, giving both parties an even chance to gerrymander the legislature outright.
Current Outlook: Democrats gerrymander the congressional and state legislative maps. (Given Democrats' control of the governor's office and wide majorities in the legislature, a deadlock spurring the creation of a backup commission to draw legislative maps is unlikely.)
● Indiana
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor (veto override takes just a simple majority). If there's a deadlock for congressional redistricting, a backup commission in place since at least 1969, controlled by whichever party controls two out of three of (1) the governor's office, (2) the state House, and (3) the state Senate, would draw the map; that commission is only statutory.
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps.
● Iowa
Partisan Control: Unclear; possibly nonpartisan or Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): By statute, Iowa's Legislative Services Agency, a nonpartisan advisory institution of civil servants, proposes congressional and legislative maps based on nonpartisan criteria, though these criteria do not include the use of partisan data to ensure fairness. The LSA works with a five-member bipartisan commission, with one member chosen by each of the four legislative majority and minority party leaders; those four commissioners then choose a fifth. The LSA proposes plans to legislators, who may either approve or reject maps without the ability to alter them. If legislators reject the agency’s proposals three times, they may draw their own maps.
Current Outlook: Iowa’s nonpartisan redistricting system has operated without significant controversy every decade since the 1980s. However, Republicans haven't held full control of state government in a redistricting year since then, and this nonpartisan system is not mandated by the state constitution but rather is only set by statute. Republicans could either reject the commission's proposed maps three times to draw their own gerrymanders, or they could amend or repeal the statute entirely. Republicans haven't unequivocally ruled out doing so.
● Kansas
Partisan Control: Unclear; possibly nonpartisan or Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Republicans currently hold the bare minimum of 84 state House seats needed to override a veto by Democratic Gov. Laura Kelly, meaning they could pass gerrymanders if they maintain perfect party unity.
However, such unity is doubtful. After 2010, both chambers of the legislature (which were dominated by Republicans) couldn’t agree to pass the same maps when only simple majority support was needed, thanks in part to divisions between the GOP’s hardline conservatives and its relative moderates. If Republicans fail to override a veto, a court would draw relatively nonpartisan congressional and legislative maps.
● Kentucky
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor (veto override takes just a simple majority).
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps.
● Louisiana
Partisan Control: Unclear; possibly nonpartisan or Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Democratic Gov. John Bel Edwards vetoes new Republican gerrymanders, but it's unclear if Democrats can sustain his veto. There are 35 Democrats and two independents (who lean left on certain issues) in the state House, along with 68 Republicans. If the GOP maintains perfect unity, it needs to peel off two or more Democrats or independents to override a veto (Republicans hold a veto-proof state Senate majority). If a veto is sustained, a court would draw relatively nonpartisan congressional and legislative maps.
● Maine
Partisan Control: Divided state government.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor, subject to a two-thirds supermajority requirement.
Current Outlook: Legislators compromise and pass relatively nonpartisan congressional and legislative maps, or a court will draw nonpartisan maps.
● Maryland
Partisan Control: Democratic.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor. Under the state constitution, congressional redistricting is handled as typical legislation subject to a gubernatorial veto.
For legislative redistricting, the governor proposes a plan to legislators at the start of the legislative session. If legislators don’t act within 45 days, the governor’s plan becomes law; otherwise legislators may pass their own legislative maps without the possibility of a veto.
Current Outlook: Democrats use their veto-proof majorities to sidestep GOP Gov. Larry Hogan and gerrymander both the congressional and legislative maps.
● Massachusetts
Partisan Control: Democratic.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Democrats use their veto-proof majorities to circumvent Republican Gov. Charlie Baker and gerrymander both the congressional and state legislative maps.
● Michigan
Partisan Control: Nonpartisan commission.
Responsible Institution(s): Independent redistricting commission created by a 2018 amendment to the state constitution, consisting of four Democrats, four Republicans, and five unaffiliated members.
The secretary of state will solicit applications to serve on the commission, review them, and prepare demographically and geographically representative random samples of 30 for each major party and 40 for the unaffiliated applicants. Each of the four legislative majority and minority leaders will be able to remove five applicants from each pool, but they won't be able to select members. Once they've made their objections, the secretary of state randomly picks from the remainder.
Michigan's commission requires that at least two commissioners from each group agree to pass any map. Any maps must meet specific criteria, including: compliance with the Voting Rights Act; geographic contiguity; preserving communities of interest; partisan fairness; not favoring or disfavoring a particular candidate or incumbent; keeping counties, cities, and townships whole; and compactness.
Current Outlook: The commission draws fair congressional and state legislative maps.
● Minnesota
Partisan Control: Divided state government.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Legislators compromise or deadlock, requiring a court to draw new congressional and legislative maps, which has happened for the last five decades. However, a court-drawn map won't necessarily be fair from a partisan perspective. This past decade's court-drawn maps were not designed to reflect the state's overall partisan balance and therefore gave Republicans a sizable advantage because of Minnesota's geography.
● Mississippi
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): Congressional: state legislature and governor for congressional redistricting. Legislative: legislature only.
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander both the congressional and legislative maps.
● Missouri
Partisan Control: Republican (congressional only); neutral for state legislature.
Responsible Institution(s): Congressional: state legislature and governor.
Legislative: Following a 2018 ballot initiative that amended Missouri's constitution, a nonpartisan state demographer chosen by the state auditor draws the legislative maps with a partisan fairness requirement, subject to approval by a bipartisan commission with an equal number of appointees from both parties
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the congressional map and the nonpartisan demographer draws relatively fair legislative maps. Legislative maps are expected to be an improvement over the results from the current maps drawn under the previous system, which left redistricting to the bipartisan commission and had no partisan fairness requirement.
● Montana
Partisan Control: Bipartisan commission.
Responsible Institution(s): A bipartisan commission created by a 1972 constitutional amendment, with one appointee each from the four legislative majority and minority party leaders, and a tiebreaker chosen by the state Supreme Court if the commissioners can't agree on one.
Current Outlook: Montana's commission draws relatively nonpartisan state legislative maps, although Montana is also projected to likely gain a second congressional district in 2020 reapportionment.
● Nebraska
Partisan Control: Unclear; possibly divided or Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Republicans lack the two-thirds supermajority needed to overcome a potential filibuster by Democratic legislators. However, Republicans could eliminate the filibuster with a simple majority.
● Nevada
Partisan Control: Democratic.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Democrats gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps.
● New Hampshire
Partisan Control: Divided state government.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Barring an unlikely compromise, Republican Gov. Chris Sununu vetoes any attempts by the Democratic-majority legislature to pass any new maps, prompting a court to draw relatively nonpartisan maps for Congress, the legislature, and New Hampshire's unusual Executive Council.
● New Jersey
Partisan Control: Uncertain.
Responsible Institution(s): Congress: A bipartisan commission created by a 1995 constitutional amendment, consisting of six Democrats, six Republicans, and a tiebreaking member.
Legislative: A bipartisan commission created by a 1966 constitutional amendment, consisting of five Democrats, five Republicans, and a tiebreaker if needed. Congressional commissioners are appointed by the four legislative majority and minority party leaders and the two major-party state chairs, with a tiebreaker chosen by the state Supreme Court if the parties can't agree on one. The legislative commissioners are chosen by the party chairs, with a court-appointed tiebreaker only if needed.
Current Outlook: In past decades, the tiebreaker has effectively faced a choice of passing one party's gerrymander or the other's, although these maps weren't as extreme as they would likely have been if legislators had had free rein to draw their own lines. One party will potentially be able to pass a modest gerrymander, likely under the guise of protecting incumbents from both parties.
● New Mexico
Partisan Control: Democratic.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Democrats gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps.
● New York
Partisan Control: Divided.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor, with input from a new bipartisan advisory commission created by a 2014 constitutional amendment, with members chosen by legislative leaders and their appointees. In the event one party controls both legislative chambers, the amendment requires a two-thirds supermajority for the legislature to pass any commission-proposed maps. (In the event of divided legislative control, only simple majorities are needed.)
If lawmakers reject the commission's proposals twice, they may amend them and draw their own maps, subject to the two-thirds supermajority requirement. However, legislators are limited by statute from changing more than 2% of the population in any district proposed by the commission.
Current Outlook: Democrats currently hold both chambers, with a supermajority in the Assembly but not in the Senate. Given the two-thirds supermajority requirement and Democratic Gov. Andrew Cuomo's record of signing an extreme GOP gerrymander in 2012 to prevent Democrats from capturing the Senate, Democratic gerrymanders would be unlikely. Instead, bipartisan gerrymandering to protect certain incumbents appears more plausible.
● North Carolina
Partisan Control: Unclear; possibly neutral or Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature, with no gubernatorial veto allowed.
Current Outlook: Republican legislators gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps, and it's possible that the Democratic-majority state Supreme Court or a lower court will strike them down for violating the state constitution, following 2019's lower court ruling against the GOP's 2017 legislative gerrymanders.
● North Dakota
Partisan Control: Republican (at-large congressional district, legislative only).
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the legislative maps.
● Ohio
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): Congressional: state legislature and governor, with a bipartisan backup commission created by legislators in a 2018 constitutional amendment, consisting of the governor, secretary of state, state auditor, and one appointee each by the four legislative majority and minority party leaders in case of legislative deadlock.
Legislative: Uses a similar commission structure, created by legislators in a 2015 constitutional amendment, without the legislature getting a vote on the maps.
Implementing maps for the whole decade requires bipartisan support, but the legislative majority party can pass a party-line congressional map that will be in effect for four years instead of 10. Whichever party holds a majority on the legislative commission can also pass a party-line map good for four years. (Such four-year maps can be passed repeatedly when a previous map expires, both for congressional maps and legislative maps.) Congressional criteria restrict how cities and counties can be divided but don't require partisan fairness.
Current Outlook: Republicans will likely use their legislative and commission majorities to pass congressional and legislative gerrymanders that are slightly more restrained than their current maps for four years. They could even make them more durable because they can give themselves the chance to refine their gerrymanders every two elections instead of every five. Even if they choose not to, Republicans will likely be able to extract concessions from Democrats for more modest gerrymanders that protect individual Democratic lawmakers in exchange for their votes.
● Oklahoma
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor. A backup commission created by legislators via a 2010 constitutional amendment, consisting of three Democrats and three Republicans appointed by the governor, state Senate leader, and state House leader, draws the legislative maps in case of a deadlock.
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps. (Given Republicans' control of the governor's office and wide majorities in the legislature, a deadlock spurring the creation of a backup commission to draw legislative maps is unlikely.)
● Oregon
Partisan Control: Democratic or divided state government (congressional) and uncertain (legislative).
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor. The secretary of state draws the legislative maps in case of a deadlock, subject to certain requirements, including that districts preserve the integrity of political jurisdictions.
Oregon Republicans staged a walkout in 2019 and 2020 to deny Democrats the two-thirds legislative supermajority needed for a quorum to pass a climate change bill and are likely to repeat this move if they hold the secretary of state's office in 2020, thus giving either party a chance at total control of legislative redistricting depending on the outcome of the election. Republicans could also use this move to block a Democratic congressional gerrymander and send that map to court.
Current Outlook: Democrats gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps.
● Pennsylvania
Partisan Control: Divided state government (congressional) and bipartisan commission with a likely Democratic tiebreaker (legislative).
Responsible Institution(s): Congressional: state legislature and governor.
Legislative: A bipartisan commission created by a 1968 constitutional amendment handles legislative redistricting, with the legislative majority and minority party leaders each choosing one commissioner. In the event of a commission deadlock, the state Supreme Court appoints a tiebreaking fifth member.
Current Outlook: Democratic Gov. Tom Wolf vetoes new Republican gerrymanders, and a court draws relatively nonpartisan congressional and legislative maps. Pennsylvania's Supreme Court, where Democrats hold a 5-2 majority, may end up appointing a legislative commission tiebreaker who uses the same partisan fairness criteria the court implicitly adopted when it struck down the GOP's congressional gerrymander under the state constitution in 2018 and replaced it with a fairer map.
● Rhode Island
Partisan Control: Democratic.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Democrats gerrymander the legislature and congressional map, although Rhode Island will likely lose its second congressional district in reapportionment.
● South Carolina
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps.
● South Dakota
Partisan Control: Republican (at-large congressional district, legislative only).
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the legislative maps.
● Tennessee
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor (veto override takes just a simple majority).
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps.
● Texas
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor. In case of a deadlock for legislative redistricting only, a backup commission created by a 1948 constitutional amendment takes over. It consists of the lieutenant governor, state attorney general, comptroller, land commissioner, and state House speaker, currently all of whom are Republicans.
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps.
● Utah
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor, aided by a bipartisan advisory commission that must adhere to nonpartisan criteria following the passage of a 2018 ballot initiative. The commission consists of six appointees from the four legislative majority and minority party leaders, three from each major party, and a chair appointed by the governor. At least one minority party member is required to recommend a map for the legislature to approve. The legislature may pass its own maps, but they still must meet the same nonpartisan criteria, including a ban on favoring a particular party or candidate.
Current Outlook: Republicans could repeal the advisory commission because it is only statutory, giving them unfettered power to gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps.
● Vermont
Partisan Control: Unclear; possibly Democratic or bipartisan (at-large congressional district, legislative only).
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Democrats, the left-wing Progressive Party, and left-leaning independents hold the two-thirds supermajorities needed to override a potential veto by Republican Gov. Phil Scott and gerrymander the legislative maps. However, Democrats had full control after the 2010 census yet passed maps that attained broad support from Republicans, and it's unclear whether they would use their power to gerrymander or simply pass another round of consensus maps.
● Virginia
Partisan Control: Divided.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Democrats hold full control over state government, but they allowed legislators to put a bipartisan redistricting commission constitutional amendment on the November 2020 ballot, and enough Democrats would likely side with Republicans to block gerrymanders if redistricting took place even without the amendment's passage.
● Washington
Partisan Control: Bipartisan commission.
Responsible Institution(s): Bipartisan commission created by a 1982 constitutional amendment, consisting of one appointee made by each of the four legislative majority and minority party members. There's no tiebreaking member, so a deadlock would lead to a court drawing the maps. The commission submits its maps for legislative approval, and the legislature can only amend the proposals with two-thirds supermajorities. Current statute limits any amendments to altering 2% or less of a proposed district's population.
Current Outlook: Commissioners engage in modest bipartisan gerrymandering to protect incumbents.
● West Virginia
Partisan Control: Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor (veto override takes just a simple majority).
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the congressional and legislative maps.
● Wisconsin
Partisan Control: Unclear; possibly nonpartisan or Republican.
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: One possibility is that Democratic Gov. Tony Evers vetoes new Republican gerrymanders, and a court draws relatively nonpartisan congressional and legislative maps. However, Republicans are reportedly planning to get their conservative majority on the state Supreme Court to strip Evers of his power to veto redistricting, and after the court's decision to disenfranchise thousands of voters or make them risk catching coronavirus to vote in the April Supreme Court election, that outcome looks increasingly plausible.
● Wyoming
Partisan Control: Republican (at-large congressional district, legislative only).
Responsible Institution(s): State legislature and governor.
Current Outlook: Republicans gerrymander the legislative maps.
