Make of it what you will, but it was a very good night for Democrats and a bad one for Republicans. It was especially bad for Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin.
Gov. Andy Beshear won reelection in Kentucky. Red Ohio solidly voted for abortion rights by 56%. Virginia Democrats kept the state senate and late Tuesday night, took the House of Delegates and won a touchstone Loudoun County school board race. Democrats won an important Pennsylvania state Supreme Court seat.
My working theory is that “activating” voters (also known as “campaigning”) gives different results than simply polling reluctant, tuned-out ones and thinking that reveals how the results will break. From school boards to referenda, turnout was strong, and it was decisive.
Discuss.
HuffPost:
Liberals Win A Majority In Battleground Virginia School Board Race
Loudoun County has become a poster child for the battle over culture war issues in public schools, including trans students' rights and discussions on race.
Loudoun County, about an hour outside of Washington, D.C., became a notable culture war battleground in 2021 after several contentious school board meetings garnered attention from right-wing pundits and media outlets.
That year, a pair of campus sexual assaults at the district high school, both allegedly perpetrated by the same student, prompted false claims that the suspect was transgender. There’s no evidence that this was true, but conservative parents nevertheless began accusing school board members who supported LGBTQ-inclusive policies of failing to protect their children.
Conservatives also accused Loudoun County schools of teaching critical race theory, a college-level discipline that investigates the role racism plays in social and government policy.
Philadelphia Inquirer:
Abortion rights and election integrity took center stage in the expensive and contentious showdown between the candidates.
“The people have spoken, and while the outcome was not what we hoped for, the democratic process has once again prevailed,” Carluccio added. “I want to express my deepest gratitude to my supporters for your time and your belief in our vision for a fair and impartial judiciary.”
Abortion rights and Democratic groups poured millions into the race, in hopes of expanding their majority on the court to protect access to the procedure, a strategy that worked in a Wisconsin Supreme Court race earlier this year.
Democrats and activists have accepted the importance of state and local races. That’s a good thing for democracy.
How did Beshear win reelection in such a red state? Abortion, plus flood and tornado emergency management in rural eastern Kentucky.
And in Ohio:
Ohio exit poll, via Washington Post:
Most men and women voted yes on Issue 1, according to preliminary exit polls, with women doing so by a slightly wider margin. The gender gap was a bit smaller than in the 2020 presidential election, when women were 12 percentage points more supportive of Joe Biden than men.
Meanwhile in other news ...
Brian Beutler/Off Message:
UAW's Victory And Joe Biden's Curse
The president catches hell easily; his successes often go ignored
This is mostly a story about victorious workers and the power of collective bargaining, but by the transferative property, which I just invented, it should also be a victory for Biden, who sided with the workers, walked a picket line with them, and can rightfully note that their success is evidence of a strong economy, with tight labor markets. By the inverse property it is also another mark against Donald Trump, who tried to bamboozle the workers into thinking he supported their efforts, then held a campaign event at a non-union shop and tried to subvert the very solidarity that just prevailed.
I don’t actually think there’s any other reasonable way to sum it all up, but apart from rare entries like this one by Greg Sargent, it’s not how the political side of the UAW strike story played out in the public sphere.
Michael Hiltzik/The Los Angeles Times:
The continuing riddle of why Biden doesn’t get credit for an improved economy
Gasoline prices, which for millions of Americans are the bellwether of inflation comparisons, averaged $3.418 a gallon nationwide Monday, according to the AAA, down by more than 7 cents in a week and by more than 32% since the average peaked at $5.03 in June 2022.
Gas prices are even lower in the heartland, just about $3 in Louisiana, South Carolina and Alabama and even lower in Texas, Georgia and Mississippi.
This at a moment when violence in the Middle East might have driven oil prices higher. Democrats might want to dust off those stickers showing President Biden pointing at pump prices and saying, “I did that,” which Republicans loved to post at gas stations during the summer of 2022, and repurpose them as advertisements for the decline of inflation.
Aaron Rupar and Thor Benson/Public Notice:
Why you shouldn't sweat the 2024 polls — yet
Trump and Biden are basically tied. Yikes! But it's not time to panic.
The possibility of Trump returning to the White House and having the opportunity to finish off American democracy once and for all is obviously a nightmare, and it can’t be dismissed. But how worried should we really be about the polls this far out from November 5, 2024? To get to the bottom of that question, Public Notice contributor Thor Benson connected with a political data expert who was a voice in the wilderness during the run up to the 2022 midterms — Tom Bonier, CEO of TargetSmart.
While pundits last year predicted a red wave that would give Republicans big majorities in both chambers, Bonier was accurately pointing out that the numbers didn’t support Democratic doom and gloom scenarios, in part because pollsters weren’t accounting for how much Dobbs changed everything. The below tweet from June 2022 looks very smart in hindsight.
Washington Monthly:
What the polls really show
Before we go any further, let's get a booster shot of Mad Poll Disease vaccine.
The NYT data isn't the only set of swing state trial heat poll data sampled since the October 7 Hamas attack. For example, in Bloomberg/Morning Consult, Biden leads Nevada by 3 (but trails in other swing states). Another Nevada poll from the National Republican Senatorial Committee shows a Biden-Trump tie.
Moreover, we are not seeing a big shift in national Trump-versus-Biden polls since October 7. The Real Clear Politics national average was Trump up 1 on October 7, and Trump up 0.9 today.
(Yes I know there is no national election. But the national electorate is sampled far more frequently than the swing states. National polls give us more data with which to assess impacts of news events, making it harder for one poll to provoke outsized reaction.)
Movement among generational subsamples is not consistent between polls, but notably, Quinnipiac's late October poll shows Biden's margin among the under 35 crowd collapsing since September, from 18 to 2 points. At the same time, Biden expanded his lead among seniors, from 6 to 18 points. And Biden's overall lead of 1 point was unchanged.
Quinnipiac's poll is the not only poll we should look at, but those crosstabs exemplify that we don't know, and can't know, at this juncture how the Middle East crisis will affect the electorate across all demographics.
Navigator Research:
Republican Incumbents See Lowest Favorability and Job Approval Ratings This Year
Following the chaos of the House Speaker selection, approval of Republican members of Congress and the overall Republican Congress notably declined while Democrats held steady. Net favorability and net approval of Republican incumbents among their battleground constituents is at its lowest point since Republicans took control of Congress, with their net favorability underwater by 7 points (37 percent favorable – 44 percent unfavorable, a net 5-point decline since July) and job approval net negative by 10 points (33 percent positive – 43 percent negative, a net 8-point decline since July).
- On the other hand, favorability and approval ratings for Democratic incumbents has remained both net positive and stable over the last six months: Democratic members are viewed net favorably by 9 points (42 percent favorable – 33 percent unfavorable) while also holding a net +8 job approval rating (40 percent positive – 32 percent negative).
- More broadly, Republicans in Congress earn even worse net favorability ratings (net -22; 39 percent favorable – 60 percent unfavorable). This is down a net 10 points from our July survey and 9 points from our April survey. There has also been a significant drop in Republican net favorability among battleground independents from net -14 in July (38 percent favorable – 52 percent unfavorable) to net -32 now (32 percent favorable – 64 percent unfavorable). By contrast, Democrats in Congress’ favorability has remained stable at net -10, identical to our July survey (44 percent favorable – 54 percent unfavorable).
Charles P. Pierce/Esquire:
Wouldn't It Be Nice If We Could Predict the Political Future?
If you want to know what the future holds, buy a Ouija board. Cut up a goat on a sacred rock. Rent a crystal ball from some Deadhead.
That optimism carried the country through the rest of the Depression and through World War II. It was this optimism into which I was born. Progress, even by fits and starts, was my birthright. “Who knows what tomorrow might bring, but it will be bright and golden and something entirely unexpected” was the going refrain.
It is different today. A child born on Esquire’s ninetieth has no such birthright. Nothing ahead looks bright or golden; everything looks to be entirely unexpected, which now appears ominous. I can no longer talk or write about the future with any confidence or authority. Your guess is as good as mine — better, probably. All I can do is wish us all luck in all the years we have left. Here’s something to hope for, at least: Sometime, ninety years from now, an Esquire writer will be handed this same assignment. I wish that person luck, assuming it is a person at all.
Cliff Schecter, Mike Johnson, and porn: