The 14th Amendment says:
No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
Scalia claims that "equal protection of the laws," within the context of its time, was intended only to apply to issues of discrimination against African-Americans. So, Scalia fulminated, in his
Obergefell dissent:
When the 14th Amendment was ratified in 1868, every state limited marriage to one man and one woman, and no one doubted the constitutionality of doing so. That resolves these cases.
Scalia claimed that his original meaning doctrine required him (and, he believed, all right-thinking Supreme Court Justices) to apply the standards of 1868 to what equal protection means, and to stop there. This would also mean women and people with disabilities, for example, are, according to Scalia's reasoning, outside the protection of the 14th Amendment (and such interpretations are another reason why the Equal Rights Amendment is important), but that's a different argument for a different diary. Even applying his own standard, Scalia fails to explain why the authors of the 14th amendment wrote the general principle of "equal protection of the laws" into the constitution if they only meant "equal protection of the laws on the basis of race."
But what did two of the most important "founders" think of this form of constitutional interpretation?
Madison is best known today as the "father" of the Bill of Rights, since he drafted the provisions and introduced them into Congress. Madison was actually the primary architect of the US Constitution as a whole. Originally, however, he opposed a bill of rights. What was his main objection? He presciently feared that some future politicians or jurists (e.g. Scalia and his co-dissenters) might calcify the enumeration of rights they specified into a finite list that excluded the recognition of all other liberties.
Madison was convinced by the vociferous debates in the states over ratifying the Constitution, which included denunciations of the lack of a bill of rights, and by arguments by Jefferson among others, to change his mind and propose a bill of rights himself. Even so, in Madison's speech introducing the Bill of Rights to Congress, on June 8, 1789, he discussed his own fears:
It has been objected also against a bill of rights, that, by enumerating particular exceptions to the grant of power, it would disparage those rights which were not placed in that enumeration; and it might follow, by implication, that those rights which were not singled out, were intended to be assigned into the hands of the General Government, and were consequently insecure. This is one of the most plausible arguments I have ever heard urged against the admission of a bill of rights into this system; but, I conceive, that it may be guarded against. I have attempted it, as gentlemen may see by turning to the last clause of the fourth resolution.
In a sadly futile attempt to prevent future Scalias (and Robertses, Alitos, and Thomases) from arguing that the rights as enumerated in 1789 were the be all and end all of liberty, Madison wrote the "last clause of the fourth resolution." That clause is now the (unjustly neglected) 9th Amendment to the US Constitution:
The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.
Madison was most concerned about violations of the rights of the minority by the majority. In a
1788 letter to Jefferson discussing the idea of a bill of rights, Madison wrote:
In our Governments the real power lies in the majority of the Community, and the invasion of private rights is chiefly to be apprehended, not from acts of Government contrary to the sense of its constituents, but from acts in which the Government is the mere instrument of the major number of the Constituents.
Scalia ignored, or refused to understand, that just because the rights of same-sex couples have been violated by the majority for hundreds of years (including in 1868), that this is not a valid argument for continuing to violate these rights. The repudiation of the idea that a tradition of violating rights is a legitimate constitutional justification for continuing to violate rights has been a central argument of Kennedy's string of sexual orientation cases since Lawrence and Garner v. Texas. Scalia and the three other dissenters in Obergefell didn’t get this. Ending the violations of a minority's (same-sex couples') rights by a homophobic (mostly straight) majority are exactly the kinds of violations that Madison told Jefferson he hoped a bill of rights, at its best, would eventually help end.
Roberts echoed Scalia's supposed "original meaning" doctrine when he claimed in his Obergefell dissent (which was joined by the other three dissenters) that the majority opinion "had nothing to do with" the Constitution. Apparently, Roberts is ignorant of, or chose to ignore, Madison and Jefferson's views as enumerated above, but also of the 9th and 14th Amendments to the Constitution.
According to Michiko Kakutani's NYT review of historian Joseph Ellis's new book, The Quartet: Orchestrating the Second American Revolution, 1783-1789, Ellis ends the book with a telling quotation from Jefferson (taken from a letter from Jefferson to Samuel Kercheval) that directly warns against freezing the interpretation of the Constitution into Originalist oblivion:
Some men look at constitutions with sanctimonious reverence, and deem them like the ark of the covenant, too sacred to be touched. They ascribe to the preceding age a wisdom more than human, and suppose what they did to be beyond amendment. I know that age well; I belonged to it and labored with it. It deserved well of its country.... But I know also, that laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind. As that becomes more developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the times. We might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy, as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors.
Both Jefferson and Madison, as slaveholders who at times admitted that slavery was morally wrong (again, that’s another diary), perhaps glimpsed how little they, or the texts they wrote, deserved “sanctimonious reverence,” and how much “progress of the human mind,” was necessary in order to advance liberty.
In contrast, Scalia and the dissenters refused to listen to or acknowledge Madison and Jefferson's warnings, and refused to apply the "progress of the human mind" to interpreting the meaning of the US Constitution. In this refusal, their originalist doctrine fails to apply the principles of equal protection and liberty to our own time. Even worse, at the level of logic alone, their decisions fail even their own putative original meaning test.
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(Thanks again to Jersey Jon for pointing out in the comments to the 2015 version of this diary that I had mistakenly claimed that Scalia claims to follow “original intent” when the actual phrase Scalia used was “original meaning.” For clarity and accuracy’s sake, I corrected those usages in this reposting).