President Biden proclaimed March 25, 2024, as Greek Independence Day, honoring Greece's revolutionary heroes who fought against the Ottoman Turks and recognizing the enduring friendship and commitment to democracy shared by both countries.
The statement emphasized the bond between Greece and the United States, rooted in shared beliefs of democracy and liberty. These bonds, he stressed, have remained vital for a long time. Together, our nations have faced and overcome challenges like fascism and communism, and now stand united to support Ukraine's fight for freedom. The contributions of Greek Americans, who have played a significant role in advancing social justice and civil rights, reinforce this partnership.
A Proclamation on Greek Independence Day: A National Day of Celebration of Greek and American Democracy, 2024 | The White House
The Greek War of Independence against the Ottoman Turks started in 1821 and saw significant foreign involvement, shaping its outcome decisively. Russia's ambition to weaken the Ottoman Empire and expand its influence clashed with Britain's and France's aim to prevent Russian dominance. This led to a joint Anglo-French-Russian alliance in defense of the Greeks, resulting in the defeat of the Ottomans. Despite American public sympathy for the Greek struggle, the U.S. government, bound by its policy of non-intervention (Monroe Doctrine) and economic interests, remained neutral.
The Philike Etairia, a revolutionary group based in Odessa with strong ties to Russia, orchestrated the Greek Revolution. Despite its despotic rule and membership in the Holy Alliance aimed at quelling revolutions, Greek rebels viewed Russia favorably because of shared Orthodox faith and historical connections. However, Russia's response to the Greek uprising was initially hesitant and conflicted. Its role as an Orthodox protector and economic and European interests tore it apart.
The Vienna settlement of 1815, which favored Russian power, highlighted the close tie between Russian practical interests and maintaining the European status quo. Tsar Alexander's signing of the Protocol of Troppau in 1820, allowing intervention against revolutionary outbreaks, further constrained Russian actions. An invasion of Turkey on behalf of the Greeks would have conflicted with this policy and alienated European powers opposing such intervention.
Despite fluctuations in Russia's stance, the failure of the Ottoman Empire to quash the rebellion swiftly and the atrocities committed forced Russia to align with its role as protector of Eastern Christians.
As Barbara Jelavich put it:
The Russian reaction was bound to be closely tied to the means and speed with which the Turks dealt with the rebels. A swift restoral of order, even by terror, would have made the maintenance of an attitude of disinterestedness on the part of the Russian government possible. However, the failure of the Porte to crush the rebellion quickly, the atrocities committed and the creation of conditions reminiscent of a Holy War forced Russia to act in accordance with her self-appointed role as protector of the eastern Christians.
Enraged by the Ottoman's stance, Alexander began military preparations. However, his plans remained unfinished upon his death on December 1, 1825.
Nicholas I, Alexander's successor, differed significantly from his predecessor. He showed less dedication to traditional European alliances and a stronger inclination toward warfare. He pursued a unilateral policy toward the Ottoman Empire, leading to actions that inadvertently aided the Greek cause. Joint efforts by Russia, Britain, and France culminated in destroying the Ottoman navy at Navarino in 1827, a significant event that eventually led to Greek independence.